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PART I.-VOL. I. ::: 





[ PART I, VOLS. I d 11,-PRICE : Rs. 12-0-0 =Aftt.^ 




The Salwcen at Ta Hs.-ing 1^ — Frontispiece. 

King Thibaw and Supayalat {Photo. Sftssrs. Watt ond Sketn) , 

Sattbvia of Loi Ldng Tawnjj Peng and wives . . . . , 

Tlie Salween at Mong Hawm ferry 

The UyotauH o( in C^ourt dress {Photo. Signor Beato and 

Shar Sawbvia in Court dress {Photo. StgiKr Etaio t nd Company) . 

A Wa bridije, side view 

A Wa bridge, end view 

A Shan trader {Photo. .Messrs. Watts and Skeen) . , . . 

Kachins {Photo. Messrs. Watts and Sheen) 

Siyin Chiefs {Chin GoBetteer) 

Wa headmen in Pet Ken 

AUha women . , , 

Karen-ni women {Photo. Captain W. N, Campbell) 

Rumai or Palaung wroman {Photo. Signor Beato and Company) 

Mftng or Miaotzu men and women . , , 

Shoulder bags or wallets 



Map a{ Upper Burma and Shan Stain— Frontispieeg. •"-';";■ 

XVII. Trans-Salween Sax^bvia and wife in full dress . •,.^* '.,.' 

Cliarms of invulnerability ..... ".Vf .. ^••. 

KVIW. Tingpan Vao V.'.t; .V^; 

XIX. Siyin mode of coiflure (Chin Gatetteer) , -C*. *I:«1 

XX. Vimbao Karen men (Photo. Captain W. M Cantpf'eli): ''4 ■ 

XXL Karen Military policeman and recruit {Photo. Caft,.tn Wttf 

bell] . ■ 

Plan of Mandalay Palace and buiUlings .... 
XXIL Vimbao Karen women {Photo. Captain W. N, Campbtll) . 
XXIU. Chin women's pipes {Chin GaMttteer) 
XXIV. Kachin women iPkoto. Signor Beato and Company) .' \ , 
XXV. Sawku Karen girl {Photo. Captain W. N. Campbell) -•;•' 

XXVI. Shan women of Num Hkam in Shan-Chineie dress {Pkiie. 
Beato and Company) .■.•-,. 

XXVI 1. Chjnbik women {Photo. Signor Beato and Company) :';\ 

XXVin. Wa in full dress (Kig. i). Group of Wa girls (Fig. 3) -'''z 

XXIX. Akhamen 

Instruments used >n spinning and weaving , , 


( 2 ) 

PL4TB. Page. 

Cotton garments made in Shan States 370 

XXX. Kachins {Photo. Signer Beato and Company) 390 

Representative pottery of Lower Burma 400 

Papun pottery ib. 

Fancy pottery of Pyinmana 401 

Toys of Shwebo ib. 

XXXI. Ming or .Miaotzu men 413 

XXXll. Knn I^ng ferry iniSpi ' . 45a 

XXXUI. A Wa dance 469 

XXXIV. A Yenangyaung oil well (Photo. Messrs. Watts and Skeen) . . 514 

XXXV. A Kachin house (Photo. Messrs. Watts and Skun) .... 528 

XXXVi. Hui Hui or Panihes 540 

XXXVII. A Shan ^awtoo in open durbar ....... 553 



Chaptir I.— Physical Geography i 

Chaitir II.— History.— The rdgns of King Minddn and King Thibaw from 

Burmese sources 29 

Cbaptw III.— Histort.— The causes which led to the Third Burmese War 

and the Annexation of Upper Burma 97 

Cbaptbr IV.— The firstlyear after the Annexation 117 

Cbaptir V. — Final pacification 147 

Cbaftbr VI.— The Shan States and the Tai 187 

Cbattbr VII.— The Kachin Hills and the Chingpaw 331 

Craftir VIII.— The Chin Hills and the Chin Tnbea 441 

Cbaptir IX.— Ethnology with Vocabularies 475 



Page 3, line 17, for 'west' rtad "east.' 

4 '7. M 2o, „ 'about' „ 'above/ 

" 43* >• 9* deh'hy.' 

» *^ » 34. /or 'choragos' read 'choragus.* 

» 7ft f. 6, „ 'Bayingyan' „ 'Bayingan/ 

». 8». » 2. „ 'lead' „ 'led/ 

f* 83, „ a8, „ * Governor ' „ ' Convenor/ 

H 85, „ 2$, &/#• again/ 

M 86( „ 33, /or 'Nammada' r«ad 'Nammadaw/ 

n 87, „ 3, „ ' Nammada ' „ ' Nammadaw.' 

" SA >• 5 from bottom, for ' were * reorf ' was.' 

" 107» M I4i /or ' Bomby ' read ' Bombay/ 

» 109. „ II and 13 from bottom, insert ' to/ 

n \ii» „ I, /or 'enquires' rvflt/' enquiries/ 

•* "I. .. S» .. *i895' „ '1885.* 

,1 126» » 10, 9t. seq. for 'Myinthfe' read ' Myinthi/ 

w '33. M 2| for ' Yetagyo * reai/ * Yesagyo/ 

» 133, „ 14, ti ' Sameikkyon ' „ ' SameikkAn/ 

>• i59. M ». M 'was' „ 'were' 

M 185, „ 3, read ' Chinese ' Shan States. 

„ 188, „ 9 from bottom, /fff ' 1895 '.raorf ' »835.' 

„ 194. « 9 » » 'is* .. 'were/ 

..203, „ 15, /or ' Bein-kawngi * rwrf ' Bein Kawng/ 

„ 207, „ 11 from bottom, for 'as' read 'as is/ 

„ 209, in the Mandarin dialect the names are more properly— 

5A«, the rat ; A^im, theox; /^«, the tiger ; Tu, the hare; Lung, the 
dragon; She, the snake; Afa, the horse; Yang, theeoat; tiou.iha 
monkey ; CAi, the cock ; Ch'iian, the dog; Chu, the pig. 

„ 225, line 13 from bottom, for ' Hke ' read ' Hk&/ 

,,239, „ 9, t^e/tf first 'him.' 

„ 229, „ '4 from bottom, /or 'get* read 'got.' 

» 242, „ 3, „ „ ' Emperer * „ ' Emperor.' 

M 25s, „ 18, for 'L6ng' read ' Ldng/ 

„ 270, „ 21, „ 'found' „ * lormed/ 

,,284, „ 15 and 18, /or 'flank' read 'plank/ 

>. 308, .» S. » 'rules* „ 'rulers/ 

» 3»4. » »3» » ' Mong Si' „ ' M6ng Sit.' 

>i 329, « 9 and 23, „ ' Htamfing ' „ * Htamflng/ 

,. 340, „ 33, ,. ' 1888 • „ ' 1889/ 

H 367. M 9» » 'stamped' „ 'stampeded/ 

m 39Si IW line^ » ' peope * „ ' people.' 

( » ) 

Page 408, line 35, dtU ' a.* 

M 430. n 33»for 'calaxrutitea'read 'calamities.' 

» 475. » 18. « • professer ' „ ' professor/ 

» 4^1 » 3 from bottom, /or 'sides' read 'side.' 

». 499* » 8, /or ' billard * reotf 'billiard.' 

„ 500, „ 16, „ 'warder' „ 'wander.* 

» 505f » "» » * trough-like,, ' trough, like.' 

I) 544* 1. 3 fro™ bottom, /or ' Yawng-tung' read 'Sawng-tiJng.' 

*i 57f . » I4» Z*"" * peluMve, read ' delusive.' 

m 586> n i<> from bottom, /or 'occassion' r«a^ ' occasion.' 

n 59<S» *. 9» /<"' * 3t Lxjti ' read ' a Lot^' 

M 597i >i 3 fro™ bottom, /or 'the' read 'that.' 

.* 6ao. „ a „ M 'whatveer' r«ad 'whatever. 





Thk northern and north-eastern boundaries of Upper Burma 
have not yet been finally demarcated. In f^eneral terms it may be 
said that Upper Burma lies between the 2oih and 27(h parallels of 
north latitude and between the 92nd and looth parallels' of east 
longitude. The greatest distance from east to west is about 500 
miles ; from north to south about 450 miles. The area of the Upper 
Province is estimated at 83,473 square miles and that of the Shan 
States, Northern and Southern, at a little over 40,000 square miles. 
On the north the boundaries are : the dependent State of Manipur, 
the Naga and Chin^paw hills, and the Chinese province of Yunnan ; 
on the east the Chinese province of Yunnan, the Chinese Shan 
States, the French province of Indo-China, and the Siamese Tai (or 
Lao) States ; on the south Lower Burma ; and on the west Arakan 
and Chittagong. 

Within these boundaries, but administered as semi-dependent 
States, are the Northern and Southern Shan States, described 
separately ; the Sta'e of Mong Mit (Momeik) with its dependency, 
Mong Lang (Mohlaing), under the supervision of the Commissioner, 
Mandalav Division j the State of Hkamti Lung^, which with the 
Kachin Hills north of the confluence of the upper branches of the 
Irrawaddy is only indirectly under administration; the States of 
Hsawng Hsup {Thaungthut) and Singkalins: Hkamtt (Zinglein 
Kanti) in the Upper Chindwin district ; and the Chin Hills under a 
Political Officer. 

Upper Burma is portioned out into natural divisions by its more 
important rivers. The Irrawaddy rises beyond its confines in the 
unexplored regions where India, Tibet, and China meet and runs due 
southwards, dividing Upper Burma roughly into two equal parts, 
east and west. After completing about two-thirds of its course 


through the upper province, it is joined from the west by the Chind- 
win, the largest and most imporlani of its tributaries, which flows 
into it a few miles above the town of PakOkku. The Chindwin 
may be said to divide the northern portion of Upper Burma west of 
the Irrawaddy into two halves. South of the fork the country, 
which is for the most part dry and sandy, stretches away from the 
western bank of the Irrawaddy to the easlem slopes of the Arakan 
Yomas and the Southern Chin Hills. This tract comprises the dis- 
tricts of Minbu and Pakokku. From the junction of the Irrawaddy 
and Chindwin northwards the nature of the country lo the west of 
the latter river changes completely. From the right bank of the 
Chindwin the Chin Hills rise abruptly to merge themselves with the 
Lushai and Naga Hills in the wide tract of mountainous countryi 
which forms the whole of the north-western frontier of the Province. 
On the left bank of the Chindwin the land is comparatively level and 
stretches for the most part over low ranges of hills to the Irrawaddy 
valley, but farther north these ranges increase in height, until the 
whole tract between the two rivers becomes a mass of hill country 
intersected by mountain streams and inhabited by semi-barbarous 
communities, whose country extends acToss the main stream of the 
Irrawaddy to the eastern border of the Bhamo district and as far 
down on the eastern side of the river as the State of Mong Mit 
(Momelk), where it joins the northern extremity of the Shan Hills. 
The country to the east of the Irrawaddy immediately above the 
frontier of the lower province corresponds very closely with that on 
the west of the river in the same latitude. It comprises the districts 
of the Mciktila division and the Magwe district of the Minbu division. 
It is comparatively dry and arid, is intersected by forest-clad ridges, 
and is bounded on the east by the rampart of the Shan plateau, which 
runs almost parallel to the Irrawaddy till about the level of the town 
of Mandalay. Here the bend of the river brings it close to the Shan 
Hills, and from this point northwards the space between the stream 
and the hills becomes gradually narrower and more confined. 

Upper Burma is encircled on three sides by a wall of mountain 
. ranges. The Shan and Karen Hills which run h 

ountains. parallel ridges fur the most part almost duenorth^ 

and south form the eastern boundary. In the Mandalay district the 
Shan Hills approach the Irrawaddy. The hilly parts of this district, 
which form the greater portion of its area, may be divided into two 
tracts, the northern and the eastern. Ihe northern consists of 
parallel ridges descending from the Ruby Mines district, with 
peaks of from 2,000 to 3,600 feet ; the eastern consists of the 
Pyinulwin subdivision and forms a plateau of 3,500 feet above 
mean sea-level. Both of these tracts geographically form part of 



the high-Jands known as the great Shan plateau, as does the 
Ruby Mines district, which, with ihe CNception of the riverain 
portion, is intersected by high ranges of hills with points here and 
there of over 7,000 feet in height. In the west of this district the 
hill ranges run north and south, but in the interior their course is 
approximately east and west. In the Bhamo and Myitkyina dis- 
tricts there are four main ranges of hills, the Eastern fCachin Hills 
running northward from the State of Mong Mil (Momeik) to join 
the plateau which divides the bjisins of the Irrawaddy and the Sal- 
ween ; the ICum6n range extending from the llkamti L6ng country 
east of Assam to a point north of Mogaung ; the Kaukkwc hills, 
which start from Mogaung and run in a southerly direction to the 
plains in the west of the Irrawaddy valley, and the Jade Mines 
tract lying to the west of (ho Upper Mogaung stream and extend- 
ing across the watershed of the Uyu river as far as the Hukawng 
valley. The Chin Hills form the western boundary of the Upper 
Province, as do the Kachin, Shan, and Karon Hills on the west. 
These Chin Hills form a continuation of the Naga Hills which con- 
stitute the eastern boundary of Assam, and southwards they are 
known as the Arakan Yoma. The Pegu Yoma rises in the uplands 
of Kyauks^ and Meiktila districts and, running parallel to the Shan 
Hills, divides the basin of the Irrawaddy from that of the Sittang. 
The Paunglaung range rises in the highlands of the Shan plateau 
and divides the basin of the Sittang from that of the Salween. This 
range, unlike the Pegu Yoma, which is insignificant, ranging between 
800 and I J 200 feet, has peaks of considerable height, one at least 
reaching nearly 8,000 feet. This range sinks down into the plain of 
Thaton. The easternmost range, which divides the basin of the 
Salween from the Mfekhong, also runs north and south and In its 
southerly portion divides British territory from the neighbouring 
kingdom of Siam and farther south still forms the ridge of the Malay 
Peninsula. In the extreme north all these ranges take their origin, 
or lose themselves, in the Tibetan plateau. 

Burma may therefore be divided conveniently, but with no great 
precision, into, first. Northern Burma, including the Chin and Kachin 
Hills with a thin and miscellaneous alien population ; second, Burma 
Proper, which is practically the valley of the Irrawaddy after it ceases 
to be a gorge ; and, third, the Shan tributary States. Burma Proper 
is practically one great plain ; the hills are comparatively mere 
undulations, and the one considerable peak, P6ppa, is volcanic. Still 
it is very different from the vast levels that stretch from the base 
of the Himalayas. It is rather a rolling upland interspersed with 
alluvial basins and sudden ridges of hills. The other two divisions 
are described separately below. 



Irra-waddy, — Of the rivers by far ihe most important is the Irra- 
waddy, for long the only great highway of the 
country. It is described at some length in the 
British Burma Gasetteer of 1880, as far as it was then known, that 
is to sav, to the third or upper defile. Since then much has been 
learnt, out there is still considerable uncertainty as 10 the true source 
of the Irrawaddy, and the adventurous journey of Prince Henri 
d'Orleans is merely tantalizing in so far that it proves practically 
notiiing, except that the conjectures of Britisli ofTuers were right in 
a particular spot and may therefore be correct throughout. But the 
actual sources are as uncertaFn as ever. The Irrawaddy is formed by 
the confluence of two rivers, the Mali and the 'Nmai (the kha which 
is usually added to these is simply the Kachin word for river and is 
better omitted, because it leads to such tautologies as the Mali kha 
river). They join about latitude 25° 45' at a distance by land from 
Bhamo of about 150 miles. Up to this point the river is navigable 
in the rains for steamers, though the Manst rapid just below Lapfe, 
the Tangp^ rapid immediately below the confluence, and the third 
defile, offer constant difficulties. For over 900 miles, however, as 
far as Bhamo, the river is navigable throughout the year. 

In Kachin Mali X7/fl means big river, and the Burmese call it 
Myit-gyi. The eastern branch, the 'Nmai kka, means bad river, 
and the Burmese call it Myit-ngt:, the small river. But, from the 
data given below, it would appear that the Mali or \vesicrn branch 
has really the smaller volume of water, and that the 'Nmai river is the 
true Upper Irrawaddy. The native opinion is merely the familiar 
oriental theory that a navigable river is a big river, and that 
along which boats cannot ply a small one. The Mali can be navi- 
gated by country bnats all the year round as far as Sawan, whereas 
m consequence of the rapids, impracticable even for dug-outs, the 
'Nmai cannot be navigated at any time. The Mali river ts now 
approximately all known — its tributaries, the villages and marches 
along its banks — and it is indisputably the same as the Nam Kiu 
(the Shan name for the Irrawaddy) surveyed by the late General 
Woodthorpe in his trip to the Hkamti country in 1884-85, 

There is an absence of all accurate information about the 'Nmai 
river. It has been mapped as far as 'Nsentaru, where the channel 
makes a sudden turn to the west after flowing from the north. 
Above 'Nsentaru the general direction of the 'Nmai as it comes 
down from the north is known, but the river itself is shortly lost 
behind high mountains, and as to the course north of this no trust- 
worthy information is to be had. "Nobody goes there" is the 
extent of native information, and the mountains seem to be as wild 
and unengaging as the inhabitants. Captain L. E. Eliott says: 

CHAP. I.] 


" There does not appear to be any trade at all, and the 'Nmai kha 
" north of 'Nsentaru probably degenerates into a furions mountain 
" torrent, dashing through profound gorges and quite impracticable 
" even for rafts of the lightest kind." There appears not even to be 
a track along its banks. 

The old idea was that the river bifurcated some way farther up 
and that one of its branches flowed from the Naungsa lake lying to 
the east. This was the version given by the native explorer Alaga, 
who was sent up in ihu year 1880 to endeavour to determine the 
sources of the Irrawaddy. He, however, only got a very few days 
inland in the country between the two rivers and was then turned 
back by the Kachins. It is significant that no Chinaman or 
Kachin seems ever to have seen or even heard of this lake, and the 
march of Prince Henri d'Orleans, corroborated by the researches 
lower down. of Lieutenant Pottinger, finally disprove the existence of 
any lake, or, at any rate, of any considerable lake. Considerable 
doubt seems now also to be thrown on the assumption that the 'Nmai 
had its source farther north than the Mali and drained a country with 
a heavier snowfall. In support of this theory Lieutenant A. Blewitt 
of the King's Royal Rifles instanced the fact that at the confluence 
the water of the 'Nmai is 6 degrees colder than that of the Mali. 
This, however, may well be due, as it is in iheSalween, lo the narrow- 
ness of the valley through which the 'Nmai flows, which prevents 
the sun from shining on the river for more than a few hours daily. 
Lieutenant Blewitt took the following measurements of depths and 
velocities at the confluence in January 1891 : — 

The Irrawaddy main river in a straight reach of water about 
3 miles below Mawkan rapid. Breadth of actual water, 4.20 yards. 
Eight soundings taken in as straight a line as the boatmen can 
manage — ■ 













Soundings in feet 
Angles to position 








From the above it was evident that either the boat had not kept 
a straight course, or that the angles were incorrectly taken, since 
the last three are an impossibility. The angles were unfortunately 
taken by a native surveyor with a prismatic compass instead of a 
plane-table. The current at the right bank was practically nii and 
became gradually swifter towards the left bank. The rate of the 
whole was little under 2 miles an hour. The sectional area of the 
river-bed was roughly 20,160 square feet. 


Measurements of the ' Nmai kba or Myit-nge^ the eastern branch of the 

Irrawaddyt taken about i mile above the confluence. 
Breadth of water ... ... 165 yards. 

Temperature ... ... ... 56° 

Pace of current ... ... 3J miles an hour. 

Sectional area of river-bed ... 6,600 square feet. 

Estimated volume ... ■•• 32,257 cubic feet per second. 

Six soundings in a straight line were in feet — 













True data were very difficult to get owing to the swiftness of the 
current under the left bank. The last sounding of 14 feet was 
taken close under the bank. 

Measurements of the Mali kha, or Myit-gyt\ the western branch of the 
Irraviaddy, taken about i mile above the confluence. 
Breadth of water ... ... 150 yards. 

Temperature ... ... 61" 

Pace of current ... ... 3} miles an hour. 

Sectional area of river-bed ... 4,000 square feet. 

Estimated volume ... ... 23,108 cubic feet per second. 

Five soundings in a straight line were in feet — 

First. 1 Second. 









Lieutenant Blewitt thinks the rate of the current may have been 
a little over-estimated in both cases, and the difficulty in keeping 
the rope taut naturally was against accuracy. Nevertheless, the 
figures seem to prove that the 'Nmai river is the larger of the two. 

The two volumes taken together give a total of 55,000 cubic feet 
per second at the confluence, and the late Sir Henry Yule, in his 
introduction to Captain Gill's River of Golden Sand, gives the esti- 
mated volume of the Irrawaddy at Amarapura as 35,000 cubic feet 
per second. From what measurements this was deduced is not 
stated, nor is the time of year given, so that a comparison of the 
two sets of figures is impossible. The natives of Hkamti L6ng refer 
to two rivers east of their country called the Nam Tisan and the 
Phungmai, The Nam Tisan is described as three days' journey 
from the Hkamti country, from which it is separated by the Tchet 
Pum, and five days' more marching to the east brings the traveller 

CHAP. I,] 


to the Noikon range, from which silver Is extracted, and to the east 
of it flows the Nam Dumai or Phun^mai. The Hkamti Shans are 
said to call this expressly the eastern branch of the Irrawaddy, and 
the general similarity of the names Dumai, Phungmai, and 'Nmai, as 
used by Shans, Khunnongs, and Kachins, tend to show the identity. 
The depth given by the TlkamtJ Shans would also correspond with 
the probable depth of the 'Nmai river in that latitude. They de- 
scribe it as not deep, but not fordable. or somewhat deeperthan the 
Mall kha about the same latitude, which was ascertained by Wood- 
thorpe to be 5 feet. Besides this, as Captain Eliott continues, the 
distance from the Hkamti country east to the Phungmai, about 45 
miles in a straight line, would approximately correspond vvitli where 
the 'Nmai kha valley must be, for the river cannot come farther 
from the east, since the position of the Lu kiang^ or Salween, is 
known In the latitude of^ B6nga, and also lower down between 
Bhamo and Tali-fu. The Hkamti Shans said there were two more 
big rivers to be crossed before reaching China, and these would be 
the Lu kiang^ or Salween, and the Lan Ts'an kiattg, or M6- 
khong. No doubt can remain now that the Lu kiang is identi- 
cal with the Salween. Yule states that the chief ground for dis- 
crediting the length of course ascrit^ed to the Salween and its 
Tibetan origin is its comparatively small body of water, and adds 
that this may be due to its restricted basin, which is certainly no 
longer a disputable fact. As far as is known, all the water up to 
witnin a few miles of the actual Salween falls into the Irrawaddy 
drainage. It Is the vast drainage of the latter river, combining the 
Mali kha, 'Nmai kha, and ChJndwin areas, that makes it develope 
so rapidly into a noble river, at^d the same reasoning will tend to 
make us look not very far for the sources of the river. It is now 
nearly certain that the 'Nmai river, or main stream of the Irrawaddy 
has its source not higher than 28° 30'. Yule calls the east branch 
of the Irrawaddy in the Introductory essay above referred to the 
Tchitom, Scheie, Ku-ts'kiang, and Khiu-shi Ho. These will pro* 
bably prove to be the local Tibetan and Chinese names for the 
'Nmaiof the Kachins, or for the streams which unite to form it. It is 
at any rate definitely settled that the Irrawaddy has no connection 
with the Sanpu, either by anastomosis, or in any more obvious way. 
Prince Henri d'Orleans' account of his journey rrom Tonkin to India 
may be quoted here, since he says it is " by the sources of the 
Irrawaddy." His journey commands admiration for his courage, 
his endurance, and the high spirits which he maintained throughout, 
but his account of it, both in his lecture before the Royal Geogra- 
phical Society and in From Tonkin to India, is most irritating in 
Its inconclusiyeness. It is characteristic of the Prince to beirrltat- 



ing in the most varied way. It is impossible to determine from his 
narrative what can be considered as the main stream of the Irra- 
waddy, and it may be permitted to doubt whether the Prince brmed 
any idea of the kind himself. What is certain is that he confirms 
the information and the conjectures of British explorers, that a 
number of considerable streams early join together and form two 
great rivers, destined to become the Irrawaddy lower down. But 
which of these streams is the main branch cannot be ascertMned 
from the Prince's book. All that is certain is that the 'Nmai and 
all its affluents are savage torrents, while the Mali early becomes 
what may more justly be called a river. 

The following items are pieced together from the Prince's book, — 
** A range with a pass of 3,600 mdlres ( 1 1 ,8 1 2 feet) rose between the 
" Salween and an affluent to the right of it." which seemsto be the 
Pula Haw, though it is not expressly so stated. This was a little 
south of latitude 28^ "The two following days were employed in 
" surmounting a crest of 10,725 feet • • • When we exchanged 
"this vegetation (thick bamboo brake) it was for barer heights, 
" among which often gleamed little grey, blue lochs (any one of which 
"may have been the Naung Sa;, a scenery not unlike some parts of 
" the Pyrenees. • • * In the bottom of the valley we sighted 

'* the Kiu-kiang, running over a shingle-bed, blue as the Aar 

"The inhabitants were of a gentle limid race, Kiu-tses, so named 
" from the Kiu kiang, though they styled themselves Turong orTu- 
"long and the river Tulong-Remai." The Prince crossed the river 
[whose 'name the Kiu kiang may be compared with the Ku-ts 
kiang and the Khiu-shi ho (kiang and ho both meaning river) 
as well as with the Nam Kiu, the Shan name for the Irrawaddy] 
over a bamboo bridge made for him by the Turongs, " The 
'* river at this point was about 50 yards broad, with traces of a 
" rise of 40 feet in flood. This valley of the Kiu kiang, which 
"we had now been threading for several days, wllh many more to 
" follow (Ironi iollrt0 3oth October), gave an Impression of greater 
"size than that of iheM^khong, since, though narrow at the bottom, 
" it was bounded by mountains of receding gradients, each with its 
" own forest species, from palms below to ilex and rhododendrons 
" above." The march seems to have been much what it is along 
the Salween in the Shan States ; stretches along the bank with 
more shingle and bare rock than sand ; climbs up sleep banks 
to avoid gorges; descents to torrent affluents — the Tatei, Madu- 
madon, Geling, and Tukiu-mu are mentioned, mostly spanned by 
liana bridges, which do not exist on the Salween aflluents — with 
camps alternaieiy on small beaches and steep hillsides. The Prince 
marched 45 miles in the 20 days between leaving and returning to 

CHAP. i. 


the Kiu kiang, which when he finally marched west "was a broad 
" sheet of water, swift but noiseless and wonderfully clear. On the 
" 30th October we reached at nightfall another confluence of two 
" torrents. One was the Lublu, the other was the Neydu, or Telo 
'* — the great river of which we had heard so much, its silent tide 
"and tranquil depth. • * 'It was a wretched disap- 
" pointment. Instead of level fields, hills and impenetrable forest as 
" before ; instead of houses, crags as savage as any in the valley of 
" the Kiu kiang,*. • • • We had attained one of the 
'* principal feeders of the Irrawaddy. Like the Kiu kiang, it did not 
"come from far, but it brought a considerable body of water, and it 
" is the great number of these large tributaries that accounts for a 
" river of the size of the Irrawaddy in Burma. * • • j^e 
" Dublu crossed (it was 32 yards wide), we proceeded up the 
" left bank of the big river * • • transferred ourselves to the 
" other (right) side of the river on rudely improvised bamboo rafts ; 
" the water was quiet, deep, and of a grey-blue colour. For the 
" two succeeding days we climbed a steep and rugged track, 
"catching sight through openings in the woods of an amphitheatre 
"of snow-covered mountains. In the west a high white range run- 
" ning north-east and south-west was identified by us as the Alps 
" of Dzayul (Zayul, the land of the earthen pots), on the other 
'* side of which lies the basin of the Upper Brahmaputra in Tibet." 
Much of the travelling was in actual torrent-beds, a form of high- 
way familiar to most travellers who have crossed the Salween in 
the Shan Slates and most destructive 16 boot-leather. Thus they 
climbed over into the basin of the Mali kha. Various cols are 
mentioned with no heights given. The highest pass between the 
Salween and the Hkamti L6ng valley was 3,600 mHres (11,812 
feet). The first tributary of the Mali kha, or Nam Kiu, reached 
was the Reunnam. " We forded a broad and shallow river, the 
"Reunnam ; and it was hard to believe ourselves at the base of 
" the lofty mountain chains of Tibet." After this " a diversified 
" woodland march ended for the day in a real village. Five houses, 
"each 90 feet long, placed parallel to one another, testified, with the 
" barking of dogs and grunting of pigs, to an approach of compara- 
"tive civilization. On the loth November we debouched upon a 
"fine sandy beach, ideal camping-ground, by the shores of a con- 
" siderable river, the Nam Tsam. The stream was 40 yards in width 
" and expanded into a small lake at the foot of a sounding cataract." 
The Reunnam seems ro join the Nam Tsam about 27** 15' and the 
united streams apparently enter the Nam Kiu or Mali in about lati- 
tude 27°. The Nam Tsam was crossed by a fish-dam, erected by 
Kiu-tses (Turongs). " Mountain rice culture began to be visible 



" in clearings of the woods, and felled trees laid horizontally here and 
*' there assisted the path • • *. As we drew near to habitations, 
"averting emblems reappeared, and we noticed a fenced elliptical 
tomb." This seems to indicate that the Turongs are Chingpaw, 
or at least closely allied to the Kachins, and indeed the photo- 
graph which the Prince gives of a Kiu-tse might be taken for a 
Kachin both with regard to features, method of wearing the hair, 
dress, and, above all, the linkin dha. After crossing a number of 
streams, the Pandam, the Nam Lian, the Nam^Chow, all appa- 
rently easily fordable, and staying for a night at Melekeu, "com- 
posed of pile-houses sometimes 130 feet long, not unlike the Moi 
dwellings in Annam,'* the Prince at last enlere<i the level plain of 
Hkamti Long, which the Lissus or Lesus call Apnn (apparently 
their name for theShans generally, which recalls the Manipuri name 
of the kingdom of Pong) and the Kiu-tses and Lutses and other 
Turongs call Moam. " A wide expanse of apparent inundation, 
"enveloping lagoons of land, but what to our eyes seemed swamps, 
"were no doubt paddy-ficlds. The Nam Kiu.or Meli-remai of the 
" Kiu-tses, the western branch of the Irrawaddy * • was about 
" 160 yards in width and 12 feet deep; water clear and sluggish. 
" We crossed without delay in five or six pirogues." 

Here the Prince had reached country known through the jour- 
neys of the late General Woodthorpe and Mr. Errol Grey. His 
journey shows that the sources of tne Irrawaddy certainly do not 
lie farther north than latitude 28° 30' ; that the Mali kha or Nam 
Kiu is more of a river and 'that the 'Nmai kha is more of a torrent 
and in its upper courses is frayed out into a mass of streams very 
much like a chowrie or a cow's tail. Unhappily, however, we still 
do not know which is the greater stream. Probably the Mall river 
will come to be looked upon as the main river, because it is both 
navigable and accessible. There is an analogy for the smaller stream 
usurping the name in the Red River, the Songkoi of Tongking, 
which at Hung Hwa, where the Black River joins it, is the lesser 
of the two. 

Tributaries of the Irra'waddy. — Below the confluence the most 
important tributaries of the Irrawaddy are the Nam Kawng or 
Mogaung river, the Moife, and the Taping. The first flows in on 
the right bank and, with its affluent, the Indaw river, is navigable 
for small steamers, during the rainSj for some distance from its mouth. 
The other two are left bank affluents and are unnavigable to any 
distance. Farther south the Shweli, or Nam Mao, flows in from 
the Shan States and China and the M6za comes in on the right 
bank. At Amarapura the Mylt-ngfe or Nam Tu comes in from the 
Northern Shan Sutes, but is not navigable for any great distance. 

CHAP. I.] 



Below this at Myinmu the Mu river comes in on the right bank. 
The main tributary, the Chindwin, with its affluents, the Uyu, the 
Yu, and the Myittha, joins the Irrawaddy some little distance above 
the town of Fakokku. It is navigable as far as Homalin near the 
mouth of the Uyu at all times of the year. The only other tributary 
of any note is the M6n, which joins on the right bank about 12 
miles above the station of Minbu. 

Sittang. — The Sittang river rises in the hills on the fringe of the 
Shan plateau, runs into the Meiktila division, and does not attain 
any size until it reaches the Lower Province. In its upper course 
it is known as the Paunglaung. 

Saiween. — The Salween is probably unequalled for wild and mag- 
nificent scenery by any river in the world, but it is, for the present, 
unnavigated except in broken reaches above the Thaung Yin rapids 
in the Lower Province. It is probably an actually longer river than 
the Irrawaddy, but it is characteristic, not only tor the narrowness 
of its valley, which is little more than a ditch with banks varying in 
British territory from 3,000 to 6,000 feet high, but also for the limited 
width of the area which it drains. Unlilit reaches Lower Burma the 
basin does not anywhere reach two parallels of longitude in breadth. 
So far as is known, it receives no affluent northofTCokang, which is 
longer than a mountain torrent, rising in the ranges on either side 
which form its water-shed, cramped between the Irrawaddy and the 

Yet, or rather because of this restriction of its basin, it is repre- 
sented on old maps as rising far up in the Tibetan steppes to the 
north-west of Lhassa ; and since it is now certain that the Salween, 
the Nam Kong of the Shans, is the Lu jkiang of China and Tibet, 
there is no reason to believe that these maps are wrong. In his intro- 
duction to Gill's /^iver of Golden Sand, Yule says : "Every one who 
" has looked at a map of Asia with his eyes open must nave been 
"struck by the remarkable aspect of the country between Assam 
" and Chinaj as represented, where a number of great rivers rush 
" southward in parallel courses, within a very narrow span of longi- 
" tude, their dehneation on the map recalling the /asc is of thunder- 
" bolts in the clutch of Jove, or (let us say, less poetically) the 
" aggregation of parallel railway lines at Clapham junction." Of 
these rivers — the Brahmaputra, the Irrawaddy, the Salween, the 
M^khong, the Yang-tze, the Hwang Ho, besides their numerous 
considerable early feeders — the Salween yields to none in the extreme 
northerly position of its source ; and its size, in latitudes where it is 
so crushed in that it can have no tributaries larger than hill streams 
a mile or two in length, seems to prove that these old maps arc 



These Jesuit maps call it Nou Kian (Lu kiano\ and it is the Lu-ts* 
kiang of Bishop desMazurcs. "The French Missionaries who 
"were for some years stationed near the \.yi kian^^ about latitude 
" 28^ 20', speak of it as a great river. Abbo Durand, June 1863, 
" describing a society of heretical Lamas, who had invited his in- 
*' structions» and who were willing to consign the paraphernalia of 
" their worship to the waters, writes: ' What will become of it all ? 
'* ' The great river, whose waves roll to Martaban, is not more than 
*' * two hundred or three hundred paces distant.' ... A river so 
" spoken of in latituide 28' 20' or thereabouts may easily have come 
*' from a remote Tibetan source. It is hard to say more as yet, amid 
" the uncertainties of the geography of Tibetan sf^ppes, and the 
" difficulty of discerning between the tributaries of this river and 
" that of the next ; but the Lu kiang, or a main branch of it, under 
" the name of Suk-chu, appears to be crossed by a bridge on the 
" high road between Ssu-Ch'wan and Lhassa, four stations west of 
" Tsiamdo on the Lan Ts'ang (the Mtikhong.)" The iron suspen- 
sion bridge in about latitude 25° N. on the road from Bhamo to 
Tali has been often described by travellers. It is in two spans of 
altogether 600 feet in length. One span over the main channel is 
270 feet wide ; the other over a portion of the bed exposed in the 
dry season is 330 feet wide. Colborne Baber thus described it : 
" The floor of this valley lies at the surprisingly low level of 2,670 feet 
" above the sea. The river is some 340 feet lower, running between 
'* steep banks of a regular slope much resembling a huge railway 
" cutting. It sweeps down a short rapid under the bridge ; but farther 
"down it was evidently of considerable depth, by no means swift, 
" with a breadth of 90 yards or more, and navigable for boats of large 
" size ; but not a punt or shallop was to be seen." This character 
it preserves till it reaches Lower Burma. Here and there the hills 
are lower, in a few places there are even some acres of flat land, but 
almost the whole way it preserves this appearance of a mammoth 
railway cutting. Prince Henri d'Orleans visited and marched along 
the Salween for a short distance about latitude 26° and again about 
latitude 28*^. At the former spot, west of Fey-Iong-klao, and almost 
due west of Tali " we dropped down into the Salween basin between^ 
"wooded hills that sheltered rare hamlets * • • the gradients 
*' of the sides being less steep than those of the Mckhong. The 
"Cheloung kiang [this " nine dragons' stream " is the name given 
" near Ta-ya-keo in Mong Lem to the M^khong], the Lu kiang, or 
" Salween, as it is variously called, flows at its base in an average 
"breadth of 120 yards. Its waters are easily distinguished from 
" those of the Lan-tsang X-mw^, for, while the latter are reddish brown, 
" the Salween's are a dirty grey. At the point where we struck it 

CHAP. I.] 



" the current seemed less rapid than the Mfekhong ; the lemptTature 
" of the water was 66^ Kahr. The level of the SaUveen is only 
" 3.087 feet, or 1,625 lower than the Mfekhon^. Without admitting 
"a shallower depth than is the case, it Isdifncult to believe that so 
*' great a body of water can issue from so short a course as that 
" indicated by the latest English map of Tibet, published in 1894. 
" The impression we derived was of a large river coming from far." 
When a short distance farther north the Prince marched back to the 
Mfekhong, "coming so recently from the Salween, it seemed small, 
" and its valley more confined and less green than the latter." 

From Tsekou in latitude a8^ Prince Henri aeain crossed the 
Mfekhong- Salween watershed. The pass was hign, 3,800 meifes 
(12,467 feet). The descent was through bamboo and high grass 
jungle. " We ferried over in skiffs about 16 feet long, hollowed out 
" of trunks of trees. From two to four men manoeuvred them 
"with small oars ; the crossing was an easy matter compared with 
" that of the Mekhong at Halo ; there Avere no real rapids here, and 
" counter-currents could be taken advantage of; the temperature of 
" the water was much the same as that of the Mfekhong at the same 
" height, being 60^^ Fahr. ; but a neighbouring tributary from the 
" mountains registered nearly 6" higher. » 

" On the right bank we received a messenger from the Lamaserai 
" of Tchamou-tong, distant now only a few miles, who announced 
•' that the superior had under him 76 Lamas (Red-hats). On the 
" 23rd and 24th September we continued down ihe Salween by a good 
" road. As is the case lower, the valley is greener tlian that of the 
" Mfekhong, with flora almost approaching that of warm counlries. 
" The trees were literally decked with tufts of orchids, whose yellow 
"and brown-spotted blooms hung in odoriferous clusters/' 

From the Salween over to the Irrawaddy the road proved to 
be impracticable for mules. " We did not mount, we did not descend, 
" we simply gave ourselves over to gymnastics." The Salween has 
evidently as troublesome banks there as in parts of ihe Northern 
and Southern Shan States, where picturesque descriptive language 
is also employed. 

The Salween enters British territory in the Shan State of North 
Hsenwi, runs through the Shan States north and south, and emerges 
from Karenni into Lower Burma. It varies very greatly in breadth. 
Where it enters Kokang it is about 80 yards wide ; at the Kun 
Long ferry it is about 200 feet, but its lowest width is below 
the mouth of the Thaungyin, where it measures no more than 30 
yards. The main tributaries on the left bank are the Nam Hkaand 
the Nam Hsim, both considerable streams, navigable locally for 



countr)' boats, and both rising in British territory. The Nam 
Ting rising in Chinese territory and joining the Salween some miles 
below the Kun Long ferry, where it forms the island which gives 
the ferry its name, is considerably smaller, as is the Nam Ma of the 
Wa country. On the right bank the chit-f affluents are the Nam 
Pang (Bin chnung) and the Nam Teng (Tein chaung), both rising 
in the Northern Shan States, flowing parallel to and at no great 
distance from one another and the Salween, and entering it in the 
Southern Shan Stales ; the Nam Pang in Keng Hkam ; and the Nam 
Teng in Mawk Mai. Both are navigable locally in reaches for native 
boats. Farther south the Nam Pawn with its tributaries, the anas- 
tomosing Nam Pilu and the Nam Tu (or Tu c/iautig), joins the 
Salween where Karenni and Lower Burma meet. 

The Mtrkhong, called tht Lan Ts'an iiaug in its upper reaches 
by the Chinese, forms the boundary between the Shan States and 
the French province of Indo-China for a distance of between 50 
and roo miles. It hardly therefore calls for detailed description 
in an Upper Burma Gazetteer. It may, however, be said that, 
like the Salween, it rises far north in Tibet and rivals even the 
Yang-lze in length. The town of Tsiamdo, capital of the province 
of Khary, which stands between the two main branches that form 
the Mekhong, in about latitude 30** 45', was visited by Hue and 
Gabet on their return under arrest from Lhassa ; but, as Yule says, 
"whatever ^MOji-geographical i>articulars Hue gives seem to have 
" been taken, after the manner of travellers of his sort, from the 
'* Chinese itineraries published in Klaproth's Description dti Tubet,*' 
Kiepert in his map of 1864 calmly implied that he did not believe 
Hue. Bishop desMazures and Abbe Desgodins, who followed the 
course of the Lan-ts'ang at no great distance, visited Tsiamdo in 
1866 (they call it Tcha-Mouto), and thus the Mekhong may be said 
to be known to this point. In the same latltLidc?; it is about the 
same si;!e as the Salween, but soon after leaving China its basin 
opens out and there are fairU- extensive plains on its banks in many 
parts both of Keng Hung ((Theli) and Keng Tong, and it is far from 
being so picturesque a river as the Salween. As a navigable stream 
it is neither better nor worse than the Salween, but French pluck 
and enterprise have done much more for it than has been attempted 
on the British river. It cannot, however, be called a water-way for 
commerce. Its chief tributaries in British territory are the Nam 
Lwi, which rises in the Chinese prefecture of Ch^npien and forms 
for a great portion of its course the boundary between Chinese and 
British territory and the Nam Hkok which rises in KengTOng State 
and enters the Mfekhong not far below Chieng Hsen in Siamese 
territory. The Nam Hok (M^ Huak in Siamese), which is con- 

JHAP. I.] 


siderably smaller than either of these, forms the boundary between 
Siamese and British territory and joins the Mtkhong some miles 
above Chiengbsen. 

The largest lake in Upper Burma is the Indawgyi in the Myit- 
Lakes kyina district. It measures i6 miles by 6 and is 

bordered on the south-cast and west by two low 
ranges of hills, and has one outlet in the north-east, which forms 
the Indaw river discharging into the Nam Kawng or Mogaung river. 
Tradition says that this lake was formed by an earthquake and 
submerged a Shan town. The Iiidaw in the Kalha district is also 
a natural lake, and covers 60 square miles. The Meiktila lake and 
the Aungpinle lake near Mandalay are artificial reser\'oirs. The 
Indein lawe, near Yawng Hwe in the Southern Shan States, is the 
last of the lakes which no doubt in prehistoric times filled all the 
Shan valleys. It is nearly as large as the Indawgyi, but has greatly 
diminished in size within comparatively recent times. The lake or 
lakes at Mong Nai have shrunk to comparatively insignificant pro- 
portions, though the southern lake is much deeper than that at 
Yawng Hwe. Such other lakes as exist in various parts are chiefly 
marshes formed after the fall of the floods and they are usually 
wholly or partially dried up in the hot season. The only other lake 
worthy of special notice is Nawng Hkeo, which is situated on the 
top of a hill, some miles north of Mong Hkain the heart of the Wa 
States. It is surrounded by heavy jungles, is said to be very deep, 
and to have no fish in it. It forms the subject of a number of 
traditions and wild beliefs among the Wa and the Shans, and, as is 
pointed out elsewhere, may be the Chiamay lake of seventeenth 
century wxiters. 

Immediately above the frontier between Upper and Lower Burma 
begins the dry zone which extends from the aoth to the 22nd 
degrees of latitude and includes roughly speaking the whole of 
the Minbu and Meiktila divisions. Here the country rises from 
the Irrawaddy in long slopes and rolling ridges. The vegetation 
rapidly loses its rich tropical character and the uplands are merely 
dotted with sparse and stunted trees and bushes, which led to the 
old idea that the country was a mere " despohlado (uninhabited 
waste) of dry rolling hills dotted with thin bushes and euphorbias." 
But the uplands sink at pretty regular intervals into decided valleys, 
running at right angles to the Irrawaddy and the Sittang, into which 
they discharge the drainage of the interior by broad, shallow, sandy 
channels, always dry, except immediately after heavj' rain. North 
of Pagan this upland still exists, but it is less elevated and less bare 
and barren and is separated from the river by a greater or less 



extent of fruitful soil. The idea formed of the country varies 
greatly according to the time of year at which it is seen, before or 
after the rainy season. The same general character is reproduced 
on the right bank of the Irrawaddy, but extending over a much 
more restricted area. In the dry zone the annual rainfall averages 
as low as 20 or 30 inches only. North of this dry belt there is a 
much more marked rainy season and the annual rainfall seems to 
average about 70 or 80 inches. The temperature varies as much 
as the rainfall. Except in the dense forest tracts and the remoter 
portions of some of the outlying districts, where malarial fever is 
prevalent, the Upper Province is by no means unhealthy either for 
the natives of the country or for Europeans. 

The districts which have the smallest rainfall are Kyaiiksfe, 23*7 
inches ; Pakokku, 23* 18 inches; Myingyan 23"9 inches ; and Minbu 
24'134 inches, which is the average over a period of five years. 
Those with the highest are Ruby Mines, 8388 inches ; Upper 
Chindwin, 73587 inches; Bhamo, 7o'io6 inches ; and Kalha 4697 
inches over the same period. These are all mountainous or sub- 
Alpine districts. 

The Chin Hills were not declared an integral part of Burma 

Th cv Hil ""^'^ '^^^' ^"* ^^^y "**^ ^^^"^ ^ scheduled district. 
The following account of their general features is 
condensed from the Gazetteer of Messrs. Carey and Tuck and from 
the reports of Intelligence Officers, — The Chin Hills lie between 
latitude 24" and 21° 45' and longitude 93° 20' and 94° 5'. They 
thus form a parallelogram about 250 miles long and from 100 to 
1 50 and miles broad. There are no plains or table-lands, nothing but 
a series of ridges separated by deep valleys. The approach irom 
the Myiuha valluy is by rugged steep spurs covered with dense 
jungle and divided by deep narrow ravines. These hills are sparsely 
if at all inhabited and lead up to the first ridge, which runs parallel 
to the Myittha river and about 50 miles west of it, with an ave- 
rage height of about 7,000 feet above sea-level. Beyond this lie 
range upon range of almost bare hills, their sides dotted with villages 
and scored with terraced fields, which have taken the place of the 
thin virgin forest. The main ranges run generally north and south 
and vary in height from ^,000 .to 9,000 feet. The most important 
is the Letha or Tang, which is the watershed between the Chindwin 
and the Manipur rivers ; the Imbukklang, which forms the divide 
for the waters of Upper Burma and Arakan; and the Rongklang, 
which occupies the same position for the southern hills, discharging 
on one side into the Myittha and on the other into the Boinu. The 
highest peak appears to be the Liklang some 70 miles south of Haka, 

CHAP. I.] 



which rises to nearly 10,000 feet. Others are Lunglen, the western 
point of the Chin Manipur boundary, 6,531 feel; Katong, 7,837 
feet, on the same frontier; Noakuvum, 8,500 feet; and Kul, 8,860 
feet, which is known as Kennedy Peak. In the southern hills the 
chief are Rumklao, 8,231 ; Rongklang, 8,000 feet ; Boipa, 8,Soo; 
and many others ranging about 8,000 feet. 

There are several rivers of fair size. The Manipur river issues 
from the Lontak lake, flows aln^ost due south from Shuganu to 
Molbein, where it curves to the east, passes below Falam, and 
enters the Myittha a mile below Sihaung. The Boinu rises in the 
Yahow country, flows south and then west, and eventually south 
again into Arakan, where it enters the sea under the name of the 
Kuladan. Its affluent, the Tyao, issues from a lake north of 
Tattun. The Tuivai is the largest tributary of the Barak river in 
Assam, All these rivers are fordable, except the Manipur river, 
which can seldom be crossed below Kwaiiglui, and never before the 
month of February even as far north as Tunzan. 

The climate of the Chin Hills judged at an altitude of between 
2^500 and 6,500 feet is temperate. In the shade and off the ground 
the thermometer rarely rises about 80° or falls below 25^ Fahr. In the 
hot season and in the sun as much as 150'^ Fahr. is registered and on 
ihe grass in the cold weather 10 degrees of frost are not uncommon. 
During the first five years of iheir occupation snow has only been 
seen once in the Chin Hills, on the Tang or Letha range, in 1893, 
and it only lay for two days. The Chins speak of it as happening 
only occasionally. In June the rains commence definitely and last 
till about the middle of November. During the rest of the year 
there are occasional showers, but no prolonged rain. Registration 
shows that the rainfall varies considerably in different parts of the 
hills, and at Kennedy Peak, Fort White, the Imbukklang, and Haka, 
where there is heavy forest, the rainfall is greater than at Tiddim, 
Dimlo, and Falam. where pine trees are found and the undergrowth 
is neither thick nor rank. At Haka and Fort White the rainfall 
is very similar and is heavier than at any of our other posts. The 
rainfall registered at Haka was 1 1 ro3 inches in 1893 and 92*26 
inches in 1894. and at Fort White ii was estimated at the same. Ap- 
proximately one-third less fell at Falam and one-half at Tiddim. 

Owing to the great number of tribes, sub-tribes, and clans of the 

Tu tf »,■ ijti Kachins, the part of the Kachin Hills which 
The Kachin Hills. , , ' ,^ , j • • ^ ^- • .. 

has been taken under administration m the 

Bhamo and Myitkyina districts has been divided into 40 tracts. 
Beyond these tracts there are many Kachins in Kaiha, Mong Mit, 
and the Northern Shan States, but though they are often the pre- 
ponderating, they are not the exclusive population, and they are 



comparatively recent settlers. The country within these 40 tracts 
may be considered the Kachin Hills proper and it h'es between 23** 
30' and 26*^ 30' north latitude and 96"^ and 98° east longitude. 

The area of the country thus enclosed may be roughly estimated 
at 19177 square miles, and it consists of a series of ranges, for 
the most part running north and south, and intersected here and 
there by valleys, all leading tnwards the Irrawaddy, which drains 
the country. The Irrawaddy is navigable for steamers as far as 
Myitkyina, 73 miles above Senbo ; beyond this, as has been noted 
above, two difficult rapids prevent their passage, except in the 
height of the floods. Myitkyina was the most northerly point to 
which Burmese jurisdiction extended, and beyond this the whole 
country remains Kachin. 

From Senbo to Myitkyina the country may be briefly described 
as a well-watered plam, with an occasional isolated low hill rising out 
of jungle more or less dense. The Shans and Burmese-Shans who 
used to cultivate it were driven away by Kachin raids and are only 
now beginning to return. The land is very fertile and is capable of 
supporting a very large population. From Myitkyina to the con- 
fluence the country becomes gradually wilder and the jungle more 
dense. Above the confluence of the Mali and 'Nmai kha the appear- 
ance of the country changes entirely. No more flat ground is met 
with, and as far as Hkamti Long there stretches a mass of low hills, 
formed into valleys by high parallel ranges of mountains bearing 
generally north-north-east and south-south-west. Lieut. Blewitl, 
who accompanied Captain L. E. Eliott on an expedition to the 
reaches of the Irrawaddy, says : — 

" Our march was practically along one of these ranges, not more than 
3,000 to 4,000 feet high, and varying from 3 to 4 miles west of t)ie Mali 
kha. It was not a continuous range, being intersected by deep gorges, 
through which flow the diflerent tributaries of the Mali kha. This range 
apparently terminated at Pumluni Hum, and, standing on this peak at a 
height of 3,500 feet above sea level, the general appf^arance of thecoualry, 
turning to the different points of the compass, is as follows : — 

'' Due north as far as one could see, thp hills were all of lower elevation, 
looking west was a large valley 30 or 40 miles across, backed by a high 
range of hills, the continuation of the Shwedaung-gyi and called the Kam6n 
taung. The average height of this range througboul, judging from a dis- 
tance, appeared to be from 5,000 to 6,000 feet, and in it, .ilmost due west 
of Pamtum Pum, was a noticerfble break or gap, through which is perhaps 
the road to the Hnkawng valley, but unfortunately we could not get this 

"Turning to the east, looking across the Mali .(y&d, the space between 
it and the 'Ntnai kha was Filleil with high bills, and beyond these again rose 
high parallel ranges, eventually ending in snow-peaks in the far north-north- 
east The valley to the west, the low hilts to the north, and the spat 

CHAP. I.] 



betwocnthc two branches of the Irrawaddy were, for Kachin-hnd, densely 
populatcci, and it may be said lo be the heart of the Kachin country." 

vStill further to the north, between latitudes 2^'' and 28" or 28'' 
30' lies the Hkamti Long country, which has as its eastern neigh- 
bour the land of the Khunnongs, which extends to the watershed 
between the eastern branch of the Irrawaddy and the Salween. 
Farther east than longitude 98*^ and farther north than latitude 28^* 
the country is unexplored, except for the passage of Prince Henri 
d'Orleans, which was very dashing, but none the less disappoint- 
ing as far as information is concerned. The Hkamti I-6ng country 
is practically the valley of the Nam Kiu (the Shan name for the 
Irrawaddy generally, but here meaning the Mali river). To the east 
and north of this rise hills, increasing in height as Mr. Errol Grey 
says :■ — 

''Successive ranges uf forcst-clad hills, spreading out like the lingers of 
the op^n hand to the south and converging to the north until massed in the 
high snows of the Tibetan ranges, which arm, stretching southwards and 
covered deep with snow, limited the vision to the east." 

This snow-clad range would appear to be the watershed between 
the eastern branch of the Irrawaddy, the 'Nniai, locally called 
Tamai, and the Salween. The whole of fhe country west of this is 
drained by the Nam Kiu, or Mali, the western branch of the Irra- 
waddy, and its chief tributary, the N;im Tisan, or Nam Tesang, 
which joins it on the left bank. Both the Nam Kiu and the Nam 
Tisan run from north-west to south-east, and the latter takes its rise 
in a range rising to about 1 1,000 feet above sea-level. This range 
connects the ridge which separates the 'Nmai (or Tamai) from 
the Tisan with that which divides the Nam Tisan from the Nam 
Kiu, or Mali i'ha, and is situated in latitude 27^ 50'. The average 
height of these ranges is from 5,000 to 7,000 feet. The snow water 
which swells the Irrawaddy in the early months of the year must 
therefore come down the 'Nmai kka. East of 97^ 45 the hills 
abound in iron, which is worked by the Khunnongs. They used also 
to mine silver, but are said latterly to have given it up. 

The country to the immediate north and north-east of Bhamo, 
that is to say, between the 'Nmai river on the north and the Taping 
on the south, is a rugged mass of hills, except for the tract of low- 
lying country immediately to the east of the upper defile and the 
Hat lands along the Irrawaddy above this on its left bank. These 
hills range from 1,000 to 13,000 feet above sea-level and reach their 
highest point to the east and north-east of Sad6n, falling away 
towards the Irrawaddy. The main ranges run from north to south 
and, except where they have been cleared for cultivation, are covered 
with dense forest with a tangled undergrowth of cane and small 



bush. They are very sieep and the soil is poor. Deep valleys 
separate the spurs, and at the bottom of these arc rocky streams 
with excellent water. Towards the hill-tops water is very scarce, 
though many of the villages are situated there. No metals seem to 
be found. 

West of the Irrawaddy traversed by one of the high roads from 
Assam to the Irrawaddy lies the Hukawng valley, lying between 
latitude 26'' 15' and ab'* 45' and longitude 96° 15' and 97". It is 
about 54 miles in length by 35 in breadth and in Shape somewhat 
resembles an egg-cup. Low hills converge to form its southern 
boundary. run as sub-features from the Mong Hkawn 
(Maing Hkwan) hills bounding the west of the valley, and from the 
6,000 feet range of Shwedaunggyi which bounds it on the east, and 
meet at a point about 18 miles south-sonth-west of Mong Hkawn. 
The northern boundary is a lofty rani^c of about 8,000 feet, a pro- 
longation of the Khallak hills. The valley ilseU is absolutely flat 
throughout, clothed with dense forest, mostly impenetrable, inter- 
sected by numerous beautiful streams and with a considerabJe 
population. Like most of the similar valleys in the Shan Stales, 
the Hukawng valley formed at no very remote era the bed of an 
Alpine lake, which, like that of the Manipur valley, has been gra- 
dually raised to its present level by long continued alluvial deposits 
and detritus from the hills which encircle it on every side, These 
deposits raised the level of the water and facilitated its drainage, 
until it became so shallow that evaporation completed the process 
and rendered the soil fit for habitation. This process is by slow 
degrees being carried out in the Yawng Hwe lake. 

The Hukawng valley drains into the Tanai river, which when it 
loaves the valley takes the name of the Chindwin. The Tanai kha, 
called in its upper reaches the Tanai Ivu (the head or source), rises 
in the hills south-west of Thama, in latitude 25^ 30' and longitude 
97**, and flows almost due north until it enters the south-east corner 
of the Hukawng valley, when it turns north-west and continues in 
that direction, cutting the valley into two almost equal parts, 
until it reaches the north-west verge, when it turns almost du 
south. It is a swift clear river ranging from 50 to 300 yards in^ 
w^idth and is fed on both sides by numerous streams, the largest of 
which, the Tarong, comes from the north. Except the Tawan, also 
coming from the north, the other tributaries are small, ranging from 
5 to 40 yards in breadth. They run swift and clear, over gravel or 
pebble bottoms with high dry banks. In the valley they are very 
tortuous and form deep pools here and there. 

Of other rivers the chief on the left bank is the Taping, which 
the Kachins call Myun kha. It rises in China about latitude 27**. 

CHAP. I.] 




At the point where the Nampaung joins it it is a raging torrent, 
with huge boulders and foaming rapids, and is perfectly impassable 
for men, mules, or boats. In the cold weather it is about 75 yards 
broad, but is double this in the rains. Boats of a large size can go 
up the Taping as far as Myothit. Small dug-outs can go another 
2 miles up to the mouth of the Nantabet, which rises in the south 
and is itself navigable as far as Kazu. Here the river is in places 
only 15 to 20 yards wide, with a current of 6 miles an hour and a bed 
full of rocks both concealed and above water. Myothit is at the 
mouth of the defile and the Taping is 180 yards wide here with a 
depth of 9 feet in the centre in the cold weather and a current of 3 
miles an hour. After this point it winds about through the plains 
and joins the Irrawaddy a mile and a half above Bhamo. 

The Nampaung is a rocky torrent rising near Alaw Pum. It is 
about 30 yards wide at its mouth and easily fordable all through its 
course, the latter part of which is between impassable hills. Its 
chief importance is that it forms the boundary line with China. 

North of the Taping on the left bank is the Molfe, which the 
Kachins call Manii kba. It joins the Irrawaddy about 5 miles above 
Bhamo close to Kyungyi after a very tortuous course through the 
plains and is navigable for large country-boats as far as Hnget- 
pyadaw. Above this it is a rocky torrent, though it is fordable in 
many places coming out of the Kadon, Wach6n, and Khwikhaw hills. 
Below Khwikhaw it is only a foot deep with a breadth of 15 yards. 
The Nam Sang kha rises to the west of Bumra Shikong and enters 
the Irrawaddy opposite Hotha about 5 miles south of Ayeindama. 
1 1 appears to be navigable as far as Pantong for small boats. At 
Ka-u in January the stream is 40 yards broad and 2 feet deep, with 
sandy gravelly bottom, free from stones, and a ver)' sluggish current. 

The Namien kba rises in Namien Ku Pum. In the hills it is a 
rocky torrent full of boulders and deep holes. I1 is fordable, but not 
without difficulty. At Loisaw in the plains west of Hop6ng it 
begins to be navigableand enters the Irrawaddy near VVaingmaw, 
not far below Myilkyina. Other streams on the left bank are all 
torrents and unnavigable. 

On the right bank the Mogaung river is the chief tributary of 
the Irrawaddy, which it enters in 34° 53'. It rises in the north- 
west of the Hukawng valley above latitude 26^ and flows south-east. 
As far as Kamaing it retains its old Shan name of Nam Kawng. It 
is navigable for steam-launches as far as Laban, up to which point 
it is never less than 50 yards wide and usually averages 70. Be- 
tween Kamaing and Laban the channel is apt to shift, and sandbanks 
studded with snags impede free navigation. The Mogaung river 



in its lower reaches is tortuous and the country on cither side is 
mostly jungle-covered, while low hills shut the river in. 

The only other tributary of any importance on the right bank of 
the Irrawaady is the Nam Kwi This rises to the north in the lati- 
tude of the confluence and runs southward parallel to the Irrawaddy 
until it enters that river 5 miles south of H^chetn. It is 60 yards 
wide and 2i feel deep with a good sound bottom. 

Little is known of the streams in the Kachin Hills north of the 
confluence, but none appear to be navigable and they are all very 
much alike with deep rocky gorges and precipitous Banks covered 
with deep jungle. Bridges arc unknown, but, except in the rains, the 
rivers seem to be all fordable. Most of the drainage of the country 
between the Mali and the'Nmal flows eastwards into the latter river. 

In the mass of hills there are three main ranges. The western- 
most of these is the water-parting between the Chindwin and 
the Irrawaddy. Under the name of the Patkoi or Pikoi range it 
runs east and west across the north of the Hukawng valley and 
then, under the name of Jaumong Pum, turns south and forms the 
eastern limit of the same valley. Farther south still it is known as 
the Kam6n range and a little north of Mogaung a large spur goes off 
dividing the Tanai from the Mogaung river. So far as is known, its 
highest peak lies to the north-east of the Hukawng valley and rises 
to a height of over 10,000 feet, tast of this range lies the water- 
shed between the Mali and the 'Nmai l-ha, the heart of the Kachin 
country. This is but little known beyond its southern extremity. 

East of this again is the water-parting between the Irrawaddy and 
the Salween. This splits into two before arriving at the known part 
of the Kachin country, one branch dividing the Irrawaddy from the 
Taping, and the other separating the Taping from the Nam Mao or 
Shweli. The highest peak in the more northerly branch is Bumra 
Shikong, 8,523 feet. The southern branch rises to a height of about 
7,000 feel west of Loisao to the south-west of Nam Ilkam. In the 
early morning in December the lowlying hills and plains are covered 
with a dense raw fog and there are very heavy dews later. In the 
higher country from the end of November until the end of March 
there is a cool breeze during the day and frosts at night. In Janu- 
ary the sun in the middle of the day is hot and a haze begins which 
gradually thickens till it is laid by the rains. The rainfall during 
the wet season is heavy, but has not been registered. 

Only a very small portion of the northern and eastern frontiers of 

Tk^ci,. uii t^*-* S^^" Stales have been as yet defined. The 

area, however, may be estimated at between 

40,000 and 50,000 square miles, and broadly speaking they may 

be said to lie between the I9lh and 24th parallels of latitude and 
the 96tli and 102nd of longitude. It must, however, be understood 
that their shape is roughly that of a triangle, with its base on the 
plains of Burma and its apex on the M^khong river, so that to the 
eastward the superficial area rapidly diminishes. 

The ranges which run fan-wise (roni tliehigh steppes of Tibet are 
at first almost as sharply defined as the deep gorges in which the 
rivers run. But as the ribs of a leaf fade away into the texture, so, 
as space is gained, the ridges spread out and fall away. The Irra- 
waddy and the Mfekhong gain space for their basins at the expense 
of the Salween, so that not only is this river crushed up in its bed, 
but its watershed on either side is so compressed that, though it falls 
away, there is not room to form a plain. This is what causes what 
is called the Shan plateau. The original Satween-Irrawaddy water- 
shed is disturbed in its continuity by the Taping and the Shweli, 
which split it into two and then comes a geological fault, where the 
Namtu or Myit-ngfe takes its rise at no great distance from the Sal- 
wet-n and runs east and west across the map into the Inawaddy. 
This completely breaks up the first well marked water-parting and 
leaves the table-land of the Shan States, which is roughened by 
ridges of its own, all of them still in favour of the Irrawaddy. On 
the eastern side the water-parting between the Salween and the 
Mekhong keeps up its continuity much further south, and if the 
Salween has the advantage in the Namting. the Mfekhong " comes 
me cranking in " with the Namlwi and cuts a monstrous cantleout. 
Before, however, there is room for a table-land to form, the Mfekhong 
makes its huge sweep from Chieng Usen to ihe east and leaves 
space for the various streams which form the Mtnam to continue 
the constriction of the last stages of the Salween basin. 

The Shan plateau is therefore properly only the coimtry between 
the Salween and the Irrawaddy. On the west it is abruptly mark- 
ed by the long line of hills, which begin about Bhamo and run 
ithwards till they sink into the plains of Lower Burma. On the 

ist it is no less sharply marked by the deep narrow rift of the Sal- 
ween, the most uncompromising natural boundary in the world. 

The average height of the plateau is between 2,000 and .1,000 
feet, but it is seamed and ribbed by mountain ranges which split 
up and run into one another, though they still preserve the original 
north and south direction, and leave here and there space for broad 
rolling downs and sometimes only for flat-bottomed valleys. On 
the north the Shan States are barred across by the east and west 
ranges which follow the line of the Namtu. The huge mass of 
Loi Ling, 8,842 feet, projects southward from this and from either 



side of it and to the southward extends the wide billowy plain 
which forms the most important part of the Shan Slates and ex- 
tends down to Mong Nai. The ascent from the plains of Burma 
leads to a similar series of downs, a sort of shelf which overlooks the 
valley of the Irrawaddy until it breaks into a confused mass of peaks 
and ridges in the Karen hills. Elsewhere the spaces between the 
hills are either Ions; riband-lines of cultivation in a river valley, or 
circular plains bounded by entering and re-entering spurs. In the 
Northern Shan States, south of the Namtu, the watershed between 
the Irrawaddy and the Salween is a mere undulation of the ground, 
and then through broken country it trends westward, until in the 
Myelat it reaches the edge of the plateau which overlooks the plains 
of Burma. 

The highest peaks are in the north and the south. Loi Ling 
mentioned above is the highest point west of the Salween, and in 
Kokang and other parts of North Hsenwi there are many peaks 
above 7,000 feet, and the same heights are nearly reached in the 
hills of the Karen country. The majority of the inierniediate 
parallel ranges have an average of between 4,cx}o and 5,000 feet 
with peaks rising to over 6,000. 

The country beyond the Salween is much less open and more 
hilly, that is to say, instead of a rolling plateau there is a mass of 
broken hills. It presents no clearly defined range of mountains, 
but rather a confused and intricate mass of hills, where the several 
drainage systems may be said to overlap each other, and, beyond 
a few narrow valleys and some insignificant plains, no open space 
is seen until Keng Tung ^w'li*^^ 's in the basin of the Miikhong) 
is reached. Except in the north, as is the case west of the Sal- 
ween, the hills are clad with dense forest. In the south towards the 
M6nam they range from 2,000 to 3,000 feet, while in the north 
towards the \Va States they average from 5,000 to 7,000. Several 
peaks rise to 8,oco feel, such as Loi Maw. 8,102, and the abrupt- 
ness of the slopes, especially in the north, is very marked. 

The Salween and the Mfekhong have been generally described 
above. The main tributaries of ihe Irrawaddy are the Nam Tu 
(Myit-ng^) and the Zaw-gyi. The Nam Tu rises in a hill swamp 
some distance east of Hsen VVi town, runs west into Tawng Peng, 
I-oi Long, south ihrough mountain gorges into the Hsi Paw valley, 
and then through the narrow Pyaun^ Shu gorge down to Amarapura. 
It is navigable only to the fi>ot of the hills, but dug-outs ply on 
many reaches of the upper river and it is unfordable after it enters 
Tawng Peng. The Zaw-gyi rises in Lawk Sawk State and has a 
most extraordinarily tortuous course until it descends to the plains 

CHAP. I.] 



through Maw. Us waters and those of the Myittha are utiliaed 
for the Kyauks6 irrigation canals. 

The main tnbutaries of the Salween on the right bank are the 
Nam Pang, the Nam Teng, and the Nam Pawn. The Nam Pang 
rises in the hills north of Loi L6ng at no great distance from the 
Salween and runs parallel to that river until it enters it some dis- 
tance south of the Kaw ferrj^. It flows partly through plain coun- 
try and partly between low jungle-covered hills, but everywhere it 
is noted for its rocky bottom, which appears in reefs and ruptures 
producing cataracts throughout its entire course, and it finally enters 
the Salween in a foaming descent several hundred yards long. At 
Keng Hkam, 15 miles above this, it is quarter of a mile wide 
with numerous islands. It is unfordable south of Mong Hkao in 
West Mang Lonand boats ply upon it locally, but as a stream it is 
unnavigable. The Nam Teng rises in the hills to the west of Mong 
Kiing on the watershed range and flows through Kehsi Man Hsam, 
Lai Hka, and Mong Nawng into KOng Tawng and enters the Sal- 
ween at Ta Hsup Teng on the border of Mawk Mai and Karenni. 
Like the Nam Pang it is full of rocks and boulders in its upper 
course, but in the plains of Lai Hka and Keng Tawng it becomes 
comparatively sluggish and clay-buttonicd. In its lower course it 
enters among the hills, and the last few miles are little better than 
a lasher. It is therefore unnavigable, but far up Into Lai Hka there 
are boats on it which serve ferries and move about locally. 

Unlike ihese two the Nam Pawn is shut in between hills through- 
out its entire course, with only occasional breaks of narrow plain 
land. It rises on the borders of Lai Hka and Mong Pawn and south- 
ward of the capital of the latter State is fordable only in a few 
places and indeed runs for miles through narrow gorges. It enters 
the Salween in Karenni at Pa/aung. The Nam Pawn receives the 
waters of the Nam Pilu, which issues as a considerable stream from 
the Yawng Hwe lake and is navigable for 70 miles to Loi Kaw in 
Karenni. A few miles below that place it sinks into the ground 
and so joins the Nam Pawn at the foot of the hills some miles away. 
A little lower the Nam Tu, rising in the hilts of ihe Brfe Karens, 
enters the Nam Pawn not far from its mouth. Its course is of the 
same hilly character as that of the Nam Pawn and like it it is un- 

On the left bank of the Salween the chief tributaries are the Nam 
Ting, the Nam Hka, and the Nam Hsim. The Nam Ting rises in 
the Chinese Shan States to the north-west of Shunning-fu and, 
flowing nearly due west, enters the Salween some miles below 
Kun L6ng ferry, where it forms the boundary between North Hsen 



Wi and S6n Mu States. In its upper course it is shut in by hills, 
but near its mouth it has a fairly wide flat valley, which affords 
abundance of room for the terminus of the Mandalay-Kun LAng 
Railway. The Nam Hka appears to have its chief source in the 
mountain lake of Nawng Hkeo. It receives a number of affluents 
from the well-watered VVa country and is increased in volume by the 
Nam Ping flowing northwards out of Keng Tong State. As far as 
is known, it is unnavigable at its mouth as it is for most parts of 
its course, though it is unfordable in most parts far up in the \Va 
States. It is shut in by hills, except in a very few places, the chief 
ofwhich is Pang Hseng opposite Mong Ngaw in Mong Lem ter- 
ritory. The Nam Hsim is also a river of considerable size and 
rises in the range to the north-west of Keng Tang. Throughout 
it has a very rapid current and in its lower reaches it seems to be 
little better than a torrent. It is only fordablein dry weather on the 
southern of the two routes to Keng Tong. In addition to these 
there are great numbers of shorter affluents, sometimes with a con- 
siderable volume of water, but with only a short course and useful 
only as means of floating out timber, or as roads down to the Sal- 

The climate of the Shan States varies very considerably. From 
December to February or March it is cool everywhere and on the 
open downs sometimes as much as lo degrees of frost are experi- 
enced. In most parts during the hot weather the shade temperature 
does not exceed from 80° to 90** Fahr., but in the narrow vallevs 
and especially in the Salween valley the shade maximum reaches 
over 1 00° regularly for several weeks about April. Even on the 
highest peaks of the north snow seems to fall but very rarelv. 
White frosts are, however, nearly universal in the paddy valleys, 
where condensation greatly reduces the temperature and greater 
cold is experienced than on the ridges several ihou.sand feet above. 
The rains begin about the end of April or the beginning of May, 
but they are not continuous until August, which appears always to 
be the wettest month. The rainfall varies greatly, but seems to 
range from about 60 inches in the broader valleys to about too on 
the higher mountains. 

The fauna of Upper Burma does not greatly differ from that of 
P the Lower Province, particulars of which will be 

found in the British Burma Gasetteer, or in the 
more elaborate works edited by Dr. Blanford. The hilly country 
naturally contains other species, but the subject is not one that can 
be condensed, and as yet no one has had the leisure to carry on 
systematic scientific research, or to record the results he may nave 




obtained which would be new to specialists. In general terms it 
may be said that the birds and beasts. of the Chin, Kachin, and Shan 
hills seem to be much the same. The elephant is to be found near 
any of the plains where water is plentiful and the herds are occasion- 
ally large in the Shan States. Bison {Gavteus gaurus) are to be 
found in the same localities. Rhinosceros^ both the Sumatrensis 
and the Sondaicus, are found both on the Irrawaddy and the Sal- 
wecn, and near them are usually saing {Gavceus Sondaicus). Ail 
kinds of deer (sambhur, hog-deer, barking-deer, and brow-anllered 
deer) are met with almost in all parts, and the ghural and the serow 
{/Vemorhtedus Bulfah'na) are ionnd on the more secluded and jungly 
slopes, as are some of the Capridie. The tiger and the panther 
are almost too common in many parts of the hills, and man-eaters 
of both species were for a time numerous in the Shan States. 
All of the Felidm, indeed, are abundant, as well as the Viverridcs 
and paradoxures or tree-cats. The common and the small-clawed 
otter haunt most streams and both the Malayan sun-bear and the 
Himalayan black bear do much harm to hill cultivation and fre- 
quently maul the cultivators. The wild dog hunts in packs, and 
it is confidently asserted that the jackal also Has been seen, though 
the belief was thai he docs not exist in Burma. Badgers and 
porcupines are widely distributed, and monkeys and apes (Afacacus 
and Semuopithecus) exist in great variety, as do squirrels, some with 
very handsome furs. Hares are common wherever there is pasture 
for them. Wild boar are very abundant, but never in country where 
they can bo coursed, and the pangolin, or armadillo as he is usually 
called, finds abundance of ants to eat, though he is not often seen 
himself. Bats and the various kinds of Muridce, as well as voles, 
are particularly numerous in their species. 

The birds of Burma have been specially dealt with by Mr. Eugene 
Oates. Several rare varieties of pheasant have been found in the 
Shan States and the argus and silver pheasants are to be got with 
reasonable certainty by those who seek for them. The number of tree 
partridges is considerable and the painted quail has been shot. 
Woodcock arc extensively found, but not in such numbers as to 
deprive the succefssful shot of complacency. The Anatidtesxe found 
in very great variety. Nearly 20 varieties have been shot on the 
Aungplnle water near Mandalay, and the number of species obtained 
on the Yawng Hwe and smaller remote lakes greatly exceeds this. 

The Columhid(e are very numerous from the great imperial pigeon 
to the smallest variety of the green pigeon. Birds of prey are abund- 
ant, but seem to be of the usual species. They cover very wide 
tracts of country. The English cuckoci {Cucttlus canorus) occurs, 
but the black cuckoo of India is far more common. It begins to 


call in the Shan States towards the end of March. The lark ap- 
pears to be the same as the European species and sings as sweetly. 
Both the sarus {Grus antigone) and the demoiselle crane are found 
in the Shan States, but the former is the commoner. The Bncerotidoe^ 
or hombills, are found in great variety wherever there is much forest, 
and the PicidcB^ or woodpeckers, are still more numerous in species 
and in brilliance of plumage. Singing birds are more common in 
the hills than in the plains, and many of the Turdidis are as mellow 
in their note as those of home gardens. Of the smaller birds at high 
altitudes many are no doubt new to science. 

So far as is known, the reptilian fauna of Upper Burma differs in 
no way from that of the Lower Province. The Chapter by Mr. 
Theobald in the British Burma Gazetteer may be consulted, as well 
as that on ichthyology in the same work. 

Cobras are rare in the hills. In some places the necklace snake, 
the Tic polonga or Russel's viper, is particularly common, as for 
example at MInbu. The BungaruSy or Krait, on the contrary is 

In all the hill streams the niahseer and the carp in several varie- 
ties are very common. The former have been caught with the rod 
in the Nam Teng and other rivers up to 28 pounds. 







In the British Burma Gase/ieer, published in 1880, the history 
of Burma is brought down to the end of the second Burmese war, 
that is to say, to the year 1853. The end of the war was practical- 
ly coincident with the fall of Pagan Min and the ascent of the 
throne by Mindon Min. In the papers of the Hlutdaw was found 
a sort of Annual Register, a chronicle in Burmese, of the events of 
the King's reign, and from this the following disjointed narrative of 
events is translated, with notes by foreign servants of the King 
added here and there. The history is singularly parochial. Little 
notice is taken of what passed outside of Burma, very little indeed 
of events outside of the capital. But since it furnishes an example 
of the way in which the Burmese thought history should be record- 
ed, it seems a document worth preserving, and it is given exactly as 
the annalist wrote it down with the margmal notes added by a later 
scribe. It gives a remarkably good picture of the King, one nf 
the best Kings Burma ever had. He was for ever engaged in pious 
and meritorious works, and these are sedulously chronicled. He was 
genial and amiable and passionately anxious for peace ; he was 
imperious In his manner ; he was very easily led, and yet he had a 
high sense of his responsibilities ; he was vain and proud of his 
Buddhistic learning, yet he was eager for knowledge and anxious 
to keep himself informed of the progress of events in foreign 
counlries. All this is naively brought out by the Burman historian. 

This history of King Mindon is followed by details from native 
sources of the accession of King Thibaw and of the chief events in 
his short reign. 

In the month of November 1852 there was a dacoity in the 
Danun quarter of Amarapura, at the house of Ma Th^, the sister of 
Ma Ywe, the Pagan King's nurse. The dacoity took place at one 
in the morning and the same day Pagan Min ordered the Myowun, 
who was Governor of the city, to arrest the dacoils. The MyoTvun 
immediately sent for Shwe Hnya and Nga Lat, two notoriously bad 
characters, and told them they must Bnd the dacoits. Upon this 



these two men said that a few days before the dacoity they saw 
the Kanaung Min's men, Nga Yan Gale, Nga Thdn Byin, and Nga 
Shwe Waing, come oui of Ma Thfe's house. These men were 
arrested and examined, but nothing was found against ihem. They 
were, however, delained because they were the Kanaung Min's men, 
and shortly afterwards they were again exanrjned before the Taung' 
dve Bo, Maung Tok, and the Ponna U'utj, Maung Kala, inside the 
Palace, but still noihing came out about the dacoits. The Myintal 
Bo, Maung Po, then represented to Pagan Min that, besides these 
three men, there were others from Shwcbo living in the houses of 
Mind6n Min and Knnaung Min. He gave the names of the fol- 
lowing men, — Maung Kh^, Maung Net Pya, Maung Shwe Eik, 
Maung Shwe Thalk, Maung Shwe Tha, and Maung Thu Yin. 
Upon this Mindon Min's Akytsaye, Maung Pa, the Kanaung A/i/f 
tka's Akyisaye, Maung Yfe, Maung Hnin, and the Kunyagaung, 
Maung Shwe Aung, were thrown into prison and ordered to deliver 
up these men. The Kanaung Mintha and Mindon Min's chief 
Akyidan\ Maung Yan We, then went logether to Mind6n Min's 
house and set the matter before him. They pointed out how these 
men had been falsely imprisoned and that there was a regular plot 
to misrepresent the matter to Pagan Min and to secure the punish- 
ment of these men contrary to justice. They therefore advised 
Mindon Min for his own sake to leave the place. At first Mindon 
Min objected and said that after the death of his father he looki 
upon Pagan Min, his elder brother, as having taken the place of" 
his father, and respected him accordingly. Pagan Min, moreover, 
had given both him and the Kanaung Min a greater number of 
cities for their portion and therefore it was right that he should ex- 
pect submission. This he repeated three or four times. The 
Kanaung Mintha pointed out again that it was the Ministers who 
were falsely representing the matter to the King, and that even if he 
and Mindon Min did rot leave the city, they ought to allow their 
servants to do so, in order that they at least might escape punish- 
ment. Then at last Mindon Min sent for his chief followers and 
pointed out that the enquiry into the dacoity case was being carried 
on in a very unusual way. The investigation was not held in the 
lilutdav) as it ought to have been, or at least In the Bybiaik^ or the 
police courts, but was being conducted in the south garden of the 
palace by the Taungdive Boy Maung Tok, and the Ponna Wun, 
Maung Kala, who were thus able to do what they pleased. Min- 
d6n Min also added that he had heard from some of the queens 
that the object was to prove that he and the Kanaung Mintha had 
instigated the dacoity and so to get them into trouble ; he therefore 
wished to know what his people thought of the matter. The Kan- 

CHAP. U.] 







aung Aftntha said that it was clear to him that there was an orga- 
nized plot to bring them into disgrace with the King and ultimately 
to secure their downfall. He then went on to remind them what his 
and Mindon Min's mother had often related: how a few days be- 
fore Mind6n Min was bom in 1814 a vast multitude of people had 
come to worship at the Ratanamyazu pagoda at Myedi to the 
north of Amarapura. This she always maintained foretold a high 
destiny for Mindon, who was to become head of the religion and pro- 
tector of the people. Another omen also there was : a banyan tree 
in front of their residence in Amarapura, opposite the Shwe Linbin 
Pagoda, burst into flower, which is against the law of nature. Many 
people from all parts of the country came to see and worship before 
this tree, and from that time all the people loved and respected 
Mindon Min. The Kanaung Mintha was therefore of opinion that 
they should all immediately leave the city and make for a safe place, 
where they could consider what was to be done, and put themselves 
in communication with their friends, the i'A"-Madaya 7vun, Maung 
On Sa, the ^A-Kyaiikhmo myowun, Maung Nun Bon, the ex- 
Yabat Myintat Bo, Maung Kyi, the Kyaukmyaung Myook, Maung 
Yi, the f;v-Myedu Myowun, Maung Hlaing, Maung Nyat Pya, 
Maung Pa, Maung Thaing, Maung Shwe Ut, Maung Shwe Ba, 
Maung Shwe Thct, Maung Gyi, Maung W'alng, Maung Kyi, Maung 
Thel Pyin, Maung Shwe Tha, Maung Tu Yin, Maung Taung Ni, 
Maung Tha Dun, Maung A Ka, and their relations and followers 
in Madaya, Singu, Kyaukmyaung, Shwebo, Myi:du, Tabayin, Pyin- 
sali, Thontabin, and other places in the north of the kingdom. When 
they had consulted with these people some plan might be formed 
for the future. Mind6n Min then said that while he was keeping 
fast at the time when his father was living in the temporary palace at 
Myedi, a pickle of radishes was made in a jar and the next day the 
radishes sprouted. Also while he was living in his former house, a 
gardener of Myingun brought a branch of a (lowering tree which was 
planted in the garden and burst into blossom only a day or two 
afterwards, both of which events were looked upon as fortunate 
omens and treasured up in the memory of his mother. Again, one 
day when Mindon Min was getting into his carriage to go to the 
palace, a small bird called Shive-pyt-so settled on his shoulder, and 
this was generally interpreted to mean that one day he would be 
King of the Golden City. 

Upon this the Prince's following declared that there was evidently 
a conspiracy against them. The dacoily had been really commit- 
ted by Ma Ywe's men, Nga Hlaing, Maung Shwe Thu, Maung 
Tok Tu, and others, but it was now sought to throw the blame of 
it on the Prince's men. They were therefore unanimously of 



Opinion that they should leave Amarapura, and all promised to serve 
Miiidun Mill iaithfuily and devote their lives to his service. 

Mind6n Min upon this yielded and he, with all his family and fol- 
lowing, to the number of 300, left his house in Amarapura on the 
8ih/fl5fl«of Pyatho (i8th December) 185a at about seven o'clock at 
night. When they reached the north-eastern gate called Lagyun 
they found the door closed. The gatekeeper Nga Po Gaung re- 
fused to open it and was killed by one of the Kanaung AfintHa's 
men. They then went on to the Arakan pagoda, where they over- 
powered the guard and seized their arms and ammunition. Beyond 
this al the Yaliaing bazaar an unknown man presented Mindon Min 
with a large white pony, which the Prince mounted and rode always 
after this. The party camped for the night at Madaya. 

The Pomia iVutt, Maung Kala, was the first to report the flight of 
the Princes to King Pagan, who immediately sent a Tkanda-sjsin to 
see whether it was true. He then ordered the Taungdwe Bo, 
Maha-minhla-kyawdin, and the Ponna Wun Mingyi, Maha-min- 
kyaw-tazaung, with 500 men to follow and seize them. They with 
the Madaya IVun's forces attacked the two Princes on the 19th 
December, but were defeated. The Taung Winhmu, Thado-min- 
kyaw-maha-mjngaung-yazalhu, with 1,000 men then came and took 
over command from the Taungdwe Bo and the Ponna Wun. The 
Wundauk Mittgyi, Maha-minkyaw-mindin, the Myauk Tayangase 
Bo, Maha-minhla-tazaung, the Yabat Myintai Bo, Maha-mindin- 
mingaung, also sent up 500 men by river. 

When they arrived at Sagyintaung the Kanaung Afiniha made 
his brother Mindon, with the women and children and servants, go 
on to Singu, while he remained behind to attack the pursuers. When 
the Taungdzve Bo, the Ponna Wun, and the Madaya Wun reached 
Sagyin with 1,000 troops the Kanaung Mintha met them with 60 
men stationed in the centre of the valley, 60 men under Maung Shwe 
Thet on the eastern side, and 60 men under Maung Mo on the west- 
ern side of the valley. The King's forces attacked, but were beaten 
off and then the Kanaung Mintha followed his brother over lo 
Singu. At Shweg6ndaing a number of Shans with arms and 
ammunition joined them and at Segyet and other villages along the 
line of march people flocked in to support them or ^ive them 
weapons. At Singu Mindon Min with the women ana children 
crossed the river first and then the Kanaung Mintha made the 
Myook a prisoner, crossed over, and destroyed all the boats. The 
parly then made for !"Cyaukmyaung, where 130 men were picked out 
and hidden on the bank of the rivec near Makaukmala. When the 
Taung Winhmu with the Taungd-we Bo and the Ponna Wun with 

CHAP, ir.] 



their men came up this party suddenly attacked ihem from their 
ambush and killed a great number and so checked the pursuit. 
Meanwhile Mindon Min held a conference as to what point he should 
ft make for and suggested Shwebo. The Ngamyo VtvadJ:, Maung 
' T6k Gyl, was against this. Shwebo he said was well defended ana 
beyond their strength, and he therefore advised a march to Manipur. 
The Yindaw WmigyCs son, Maung Po Hlaing, however, pointed out 
that hitherto in all their skirmishes they had been victorious against 
the King's troops and reminded ihem that the Shwebo IVun was so 
hated by the people that they would not fight for him. A retreat 

Ion Manipur he said would alienate all ihe people who had declared 
for them, while the capture of Shweb i would gain over a still larger 
number. Maung So, who afterwards became Yenangyaung Mingyi 
and other officials united in supporting this advice and a party of 
about 1,000 men was sent to attack Shwebo. A few men went 
on in front to set fire to some houses, and during the confusion the 
rest rushed into the town. The Shwebo Wun, who had 3,000 men 
with him, was routed and fled for his life. Mindon Min immediate- 
ly afterwards marched into the town and look up his quarters in the 
kAVmis house preparatory to building himself a palace. This was 
on the lath /rfjffn of Pyatho (the aand December) of the same 
year. Immediate preparations were made for the defence of the 
place. Maung Shwo Bvin, the Myintai Bo of Hladawgyi, with all his 
lamily, relations, and following, to the number of 100 with 100 
ponies, came in and was appointed a chief Bo with a force of 500 
men stationed at I lalin to the south of Shwebo. Maung Shwe Thcl 
also with a command of 500 men was stationed at Kauk and Ta-6n 
to the east of the city, and Maung Hlaing had the defence of the 
north with headquarters at Pyinzala, Thontabin, and Myedu. After 
this a number of Saivb-was came in and gave their allegiance lo Min- 
don Min and were confirmed in their titles and appointments. 

VVhen Pagan Min heard of the defeat of his troops and the loss 
of Shwebo he appointed his vounger brother, Hlaing Min Thiri- 
dhammayaza, to the command of 1 ,000 men and gave him as assist- 
ants the Daing Wundauk, Myank Taya-ngasd Bo, and the Amyauk 
IVun and despatched them to operate by way of Sagaing. He also 
gave the Mohnyin Prince, Thiridhammayaza, and his son, the Hlaing- 
det Prince, Thadominyfe Kyawdin, 500 men and sent them up by 
way of Alon. 

Meanwhile the force commanded by the Taung IVinhmu, the 
Taungdwe Bo,^x\&x\\G Ponna J fun again advanced to the attack at 
Ta-6n and were met by Mindon-Min's leaders Bo Thet, Bo Maung 
Gyi, Bo Be, Bo Waing, and Bo Kyh. The King's troops were again 
~ defeated and fled with the enemy in hot pursuit across the river to 



Singu, and at a villajE^e, Khulaing, in that circle the Taung li'inhmu 
and the Tonngdwe Bo were captured togeiher with their elephants, 
gold cups, swords, and umbrellas and other insignia by Bo Waing and 
a Shan trader and handed over lo Mindon Min's people at Ta-dn. 
The Ponna IVun, however, escaped. At Halin also, to the south of 
Shwebo Mind6n's troops were equally successful. The royal forces 
commanded by (he Paunjr IVunfinuk, Maung Kini, and the Yabai 
Myiniat 80, Maung Po, were completely rcuted by Bo Byin and Bo 
Hpa, and the Myauk-faya-ngasd Bo committed suicide m a sayat. 
Bo Byin thtn marched south to Saqain^; with 1,000 men and on his 
way, at Samun, came upon Hlaing Min, who fought most deter- 
minedly, but in the end was beaten back with great loss of arms and 
amniunit-Dn. which were sent to Shwebo. Mindon Min now appoint- 
ed the She Winhmu, Tharawun Mingyi Mahamingaung, to the cnn»* 
mand of the forces on the east of the river with the Yaukmyaung 
Bo, Mahamingyaw, the Thetchobin Bo^ Minhlaiazaung, the Singu 
Afyo-wnn, Mingyaw, and the Madaya Bo as his lieutenants. Tnc 
lauug Winhmtt Afittgyi, Mahaiayabyaw, was at about the same 
lime despatched to Al6n to fight the Mohnyin Prince, whom he 
defeated. Upon this the That6n iVnngyi, Mahayazathugyaw, was 
appointed Commander-in-Chief of all the forces and marched for 
Amarapura by way of Sagaing. 

Pagan Min now called an assembly of all the chief f>ongyis and 
ficdesiasiics and officials in Amarapura and explained the situation 
to them. The troops which he had sent against the revolted 
princes had all been beaten, and on account of the constant drain of 
men to the lower country to fight the British there were no more 
fighting men left. He did not wish the people to be oppressed, or 
burdened on his account and he was therefore willing to abdicate in 
favour of Mindon Min and wished the assemblage to authorize 
representatives to go and inform Mindon Min of this decision. 
Accordingly the Ma?we IVundttuk Mingyi. Maha-minhla-sithu- 
amahayanemyo-sithu, Than dang an Tat Pau. Ameindawya Maung 
Po, with the Chief Gaivgoks, were sent off 10 Mind6n Min. At 
Saya village in Sagaing, however, they met the Talok ^^'wtgyi, who 
refused to allow them to go on to Shwebo, so they had to return to 
Amarapura again, whither also all the troops sent out by Pagan Min 
returned. The Zal6n Wungyi, Maha-yaza-thukyaw, thereupon took 
possession of Sagaing and Mind»^n Min sent some representatives to 
the British troops, asking them, In consideration of former friend- 
ship, to delay their advance for the present. 

Pagan Min meanwhile held another conference in the palace and 
said that, since his peaceable overtures had not only not been receiv- 
ed, but the messengers ^f peace had actually been turned back, there 





remained nothing bul lo fortify the city, shut the gates, and mount 
all the guns on the walls, so as to make the best possible defence. 
The Kyiwun Mingy! , Thadomingyi Mahathetdawshe, was appointed 
to command the norih wall, Meyinzaya Athonnun, Thadomingyi 
Mahamingaungmindin, to command on the east, Myana;ng Aihdn- 
wutt, Thadoming)'i-maha-minhla-minkyaw, on the south. The 
Hlaing Prince, wiih the title of Eingshemitiy Thiri-mahadhamma- 
yaza, commanded on the western side of the city. Tlie Pagan Min 
came out of the palace in a State carriage and made an inspection 
of t!ie troops all round the walls and returned to the palace again. 

When the Zalon Wiiugyi heard of these arrangements for the 
defence he put Bo Hai in command of alt the forces on the east side 
t)i the city, sent the Taungbo Myifignung, Maha-mingaung-thuya, 
forward with 4,000 men on the south, and gave the Papai AthouTvun 
and Uladawgyi Bo Byin 2,000 men each 10 attack on the west and 
north sides of the city. The troops, however, when they reached the 
suburbs surrounded the city, but instead of fighting they plundered 
the country, dug up treasure, and burned and sacked in a way which 
had never been known in Burma before. Meanwhili? Mindon Min, 
seeing that the city was very strongand well supplied with provisions, 
and that it was necessary to have a man in command who was well 
acquainted with the country, appointed his brother Commander-in- 
Chief of all the forces with the title of Eingshemin (heir-apparent) 
and sent him with 5,000 men from Shwebo. The Eingshemin left 
Shwebo on the 1 1 th January v853andarrivedat Sagaingon the 18th, 
He dug up two cannon which were buried in Ava and conmenced to 
bombard the town with them. These cannon were 5 cubits 4 inches 
long, 2 J cubits in circumference, with a bore of 1 span. The followers 
ot the Mohnyin Prince and his son, the HIaingdet Prince, who had 
been defeated at Alon, gradualfy deserted and dwindled away and the 
two leaders with a few' followers were seized by the Governor of Myin- 
gyan at Pun-ngo ami handed over as prisoners 10 the Eingshemin at 
Sagaing. Shortly after this a number of the Pagan Min :» troops, who 
had been sent to light the British in Lower Burma, retuined and joined 
the Eingshemin. Notwithstanding these successes, Mindon Min 
lost patience with the slow progress o[ the siege and sent orders to 
push matters on. Delay, he said, would be punished with the ex- 
ecution of the Zalon Afzngyi and all the other officials. The fight- 
ing then became very severe and many fell on both sidtrs. Of the 
Pagan Min's supporters the Afyaukdawebo Maha-mylnaung yaza and 
the AmyaukTvun Mingyi Maha-mlndin-mingaung were killetf, but still 
no definite advantage was gained. The main body of the troops 
sent by Pagan Min to fight the British under the Kyaukpadaung 
Wungyi Thado-Lhudharania-niaba-mingaung and the Sittaung Wun- 




^_V; Thado-minyfc-mingaung now returned and, when they met Min- 
don Mill's troops, ihey all deseiled and handed over their leaders to 
the Eingshemin al Sagaint;. The iw o generals were placed in palan- 
quins and carried round the city walls of Amarapura to dishearten 
the garrison and were made to call out, " Give up all hope for we 
have been captured." Upon this a large body of the King's truops 
deserted with their arms. These were taken and sent to Sagaing 
and the men were allowed lo go to their villages. The HIaing 
Prince, however, made a sally and overthrew Mmdon's troops and 
drove them back to the river. He then camped with a thousand 
men at Parani, opposite the Nandamu gate, to the south-west of 
the city. This was on the i8th February, but on the same day the 
Kyaukhmu IVungyi^ who had been keeping up a correspondence 
with the Crown Prince at Sagaing and had secretly won over the 
troops, suddenly arrested the Kyi-wun Mitifryi Maung Pyaw, Afhiht 
-wuti Maung Po, Siti-athomvun Maung Pauk Si, WuttJau/: Maung 
Than Ni, Wutidauk Maung Shwe Yi, and other influential oflicials 
immediately after a meeting of the Hint. Mind6n Min's troops 
were then admitted into the city and overran it all. When the 
HIaing Prince heard the uproar he returned with a few troops, but 
was almost Immediately overpowered and killed. 

The same night the Eingshemin came over from Sagaing and 
stayed at the Yenarttia'd\ or water palace, and moved next day into 
the Illut after having put guards over the 13 gates of the city and 
the four gates of the palace. All the arms in the city were collect- 
ed and stored in the Hlutda-x and the Pagan Min's ofFlcials were 
all arrested, while the crown and the royal robes and insignia were 
sent to Shwebo. Mlndon Min sent strict orders that Pagan Min 
was to be treated with every consideration and to be allowed to 
live in the AUnandaia (the central palace) with all his queens. 
He was bom on the second lasan of Waso 181 1, ascended the 
throne at the age of 35, and reigned for six years and three months 
until the i8th of February 1853, at 9 o'clock in the morning (as 
the Burman chronicles remark with great exactitude). He was 
then 41 years and eight months of age and died of small-pox in 
Mandalay in 1881. 

Mind6n Min had already at Shwebo received the allegiance of 
many of the Shan Saubwas. He now sent to summon in the rest 
lo make their submission and ordered all fA-oflicials to come in also. 
The Tawngpeng Sawbwa Thiha-pappa-yaza was the first to appear 
and brought presents of gold, silver, ponies, gongs, and iegfiet (pick- 
led tea), and received in return a gold saM studded with emer- 
alds, a diamond and a ruby ring, pasos, and other gifts. He return- 
ed to his State almost immediately. In accordance with the advice 




of the astrologers and wise men the beating of ihe palace bells 
and drums was stopped on the ^.yth February and nothing was 
beaten but the gong until the time of the coronation. 

Pagan Min's mother, sister, aunt, and Bag)idaw*s daughter and 
three daughters of Tharrawaddi Min were sent to Shwebo and were 
established there in a temporary palace, specially built for them. 
On the 4lh waning of Tagu at " one in the morning,*' yi'wg Tharra- 
waddi's eldest daughter, the sister of the Pagan Min, was brought 
from the palace with great pomp and ceremony to the place where 
Mindon Min was. He received her with equal ceremony and state 
at the Afyenatty the main building of the palace, and the marriage 
service according to Burmese royal custom was carried out with 
great rejoicings and feastings. She was appointed chief Queen, 
Bagyidaw's daughter was nominated Ald-nammadnwy or middle 
Queen, Mind6n Min's former wife became Myatik-nammada-w, or 
northern Queen, while a younger daughter of Tharrawaddi was named 
Queen of the west, Anank-nammadaic. Oihcr former wives were 
appointed queens according to their rank, or the favour they met 
with from the King. 

Shortly afterwards Mindon Min sent the Kyaukmyosa Mingyi to 
Prome to confer with thu English about the Pegu provinces, but 
nothing came of the mission and the Mingyi soon returned. The 
Saga Myosa, Thaungbansa Mahazaya Wunthuyaza, presented his 
sister, a girl of seventeen years of a2;e, to the K ing and she was placed 
in the palace apartments. Shortly afterwards the Nyaungywe 
(Yawng Mwe) Sawbwa also sent his sister. Pagan Min was sent 
in a State barge, called the Udaung Paungda'v.\ with all his queens 
to Shwebo, and in another barge, the Karaivatk Paungdaw, the 
Eingskemitt accompanied bim They were hospitably received and 
well treated by Mindon Min. Before the end of the year an Embas- 
sy arrived from the Emperor of China with presents and a con- 
gratulatory letter. The Ambassador was detained at Bhamo and 
the letter and presents were taken on to Shwebo. King Mind6n in 
his turn sent a friendly letter and presents with an Embassy to 
Peking and the party went back with the Chinese emissaries. The 
Burmese Embassy, however, got no further than Minsin. It was 
stopped there by the Mahomedan rebellion in Yunnan. The pre- 
sents and letter were sent on to Peking and the Nw/ingfi seni an 
answer and further presents in acknowledgment, which were taken 
to .^marapura by the Burmese mission on its return. King Min- 
d6n also went in State to the Mahanantja lake, where a temporary 
palace had been erected. The Eingshemin and al! the Ministers 
accompanied him and the whole party ploughed the fields for paddy 
cultivation. The King then assigned to the Crown Prince the 



revenues of Tabayin, Taungdwingyi, Pyinzala, and Salfe, logether 
with various gardens nnd paddy- lielils and the title of Mah&thu- 
dhammayaza. with a complete retinue of oUciala, Eittgske WuMt 
Eingshe .it/iutfu'itft, U^urihmu, Anaukivun, Nakkan, Sayegyt, 
Thunsaitig, Thungit. and S'l forth. The Eingshemtn then married 
hisslep-si^ler^tfie lllaing Uinthami, a daughter of Tharawaddi Min 
by the Anauk-na'/imadav). Mindon Min also ordered the fhado 
Xfingyi, Mahaminh'a Kyawthu, to repair the irrigation works on 
the l^e^ of Mahananda, Yinhu, Gyogya, Sin:>ul, Kadu, and Pa- 
laing. He also sent orders to have the palace at Amarapura repair- 
ed and to build new quarters for the Eifigshemin and the Pagan 
Min, and, when these were finished, he left Shwebo with all his 
queens, officials, and retainers on the 5th labyi^yaw of Tasaung- 
mon (November) 1853 and came down by boat to the capital. He 
slept two nights on the way, at Kyaukmyaung and Myingun, and 
entered the palace without any particular ceremony. Very soon 
afterwards the King, with his queens, Ministers and a great follow- 
ing, went to see his tild house near the Shwe Kungye-6k pagoda, 
north east of Amarapura, and spent some time lookmg it all over. 
In Kebruiry 1854 the Ale-nammada-w was delivered of a daughter. 

About this time a large ruby, 12 inches in circumference, 4 
inches in height, and 23 ticah in weight (equal lo the weight of 
Rs. 51) was presented to the King by the Suii-biva of Keng Hting 
I Kyaingyongyi), Zodinagara Mahathiha-pawaya Thudhammayaza, 
and was broui^ht into the palace with great pomp and ceremony. 
The colour of this ruby was that of the ripe ihabye-thi, the fruit 
of the Eugenia, it was brought down by the Nga Thinwibwa Sikk^ 
and the iJaivbaya or Keng HQng Council of Stale. 

The Siamese at that time were encroaching on the borders of 
K^ng Tong and Keng Hung and the King despatched ihc Kyun- 
daung Mivtha Thjri-yalhu-maha-dhammayaza, with a force of 3^000 
men, to expel them. In the meantime, however, the Keng HOng 
Sawbwa, together with the Saivbwas of Keng TOng and Mong Pu^ 
combined with the Mong Nai (Mont) Saivb%HX and others and de. 
fealed the Siamese. The chief Siamese generals were captured, 
together with a vast quantity of arms, ammunition, elephants, and 
ornaments. Over a thousand men were killed and wounded and 
the rest fled to their o^vn country. This was in the month of May, 
and two months later the King received the thanks of the ^a-mbiaas^ 
according to custom, for the magnificence and power which had 
enabled them to defeat tl\eir enemies. The messengers were re- 
ceived with great ceremony in the Hall of Audience and the King 
afterwards made a great distribution of alms \o pongyts, Brahmins, 
and poor people. During the month of TawihaUn Nga ICy^, the 

CtiAP. II.] HISTORY. 39 

brother of one of the queens, named Ka\vngt6n, presented a large 
pearl williin the shell, weighing 25J ficals. 

In the same year the Burmese Embassy headed by the Namma- 
daw ffw«, Mingyi Maha-mingaung-yaza (named U Pathi and for- 
merly Governor of Dalla, opposite Rangoon), with numerous other 
high officials, among them Mr. Mackertich, the Kaiawun, was 
despatched to Lord Dalhousie at Calcutta with a royal letter and 
presents. On thpir arrival they met with a brilliant reception on 
the t ith of December at Government House, and were shown all 
the sights of the city. At the final interview on the 23rd Decem- 
ber the question of the restitution of Pegu was brought up, but (he 
Viceroy was Inexorable and the mission returned unsuccessful to 
Amarapura, much to the King's chagrin. About this time Mingan 
Ngathul6n yaza. SA^-Myoza of Lawk Sawk (Yatsauk), came in and 
presented a magic spear to the King. 

In 1855 ^ return complimentary mission was sent to Amarapura 
by Lord Dalhousie, with Major Arthur Phayre and a staff of jc 
gentlemen. They left Rangoon on the \^\. Augusi and reached 
the capital on the ist of the following month. The I'Vungyis and 
Ainin-nuins gave them a hearty reception at the Residency on tlie 
i-^thof September and they were most cordially received by the 
King and Queen at the Hall of Audience. The Governor-General's 
letter was read with a loud voice by the Thanda'xgan and the list 
of presents to the King and Queen was also read. After some 
gracious enquiries by the King as 10 the health of the party and 
remarks on the weather, the linvoy was presented by the King 
with a sahv^ of nine strings, a silver cup embossed with the signs 
of the zodiac, two Hne rings, one set with rubies and the other with 
sapphires and topazes, and some waist-cloths. After a final inter- 
view with the King the party left Amarapura on the 2rs' October 
with a letter from the King to the Goverimr-Gencral. 

[ Such is the way in which the Burmese chronicle recounts the 
attempt to conclude a commercial treaty.] 

During this month of October there were 554 people who kept 
rigorous fast. Four of these were headmen, and to them the 
King gave Rs. 10 each The others were presented with Rs. 5. 
Mindon Min also gave alms and robes to 6,457 ^«Wjpy'i belong- 
ing to 66 different monasteries, and gave charity to Rs. 6,270 neces- 
sitous old men and women. 

(n this year a shipowner, named Owen, bought a steamer for 
Rs. 1,22,900 and presented it to ihe King. It measured 60 cubits 
along the keel and 10 cubits beam and 5 cubits down to the bottom 
of the hold. 



On the 28th February 1856 an Embassy was sent to Paris, with 
a royal letter and presents to the Emperor of the French. The 
Embassy was delayed in Cairo by the illness of the Nakkandaw, one 
of the party, and did not reach Paris until the 27th September. 
They were received by Count Walewski, the Minister of Foreign Af- 
fairs, in October and shortly aftens-ards were presented to the Em- 
peror and Empress in the Palace of St. Cloud. They were honour-^ 
ably received in the presence of a number of high officials and Iadi< 
and the King's letter to the following purport was read : " In for- 
" mer times great friendship existed between these two great coun- 
" tries, but these relations have been long interrupted and therefore 
** to renew now this ancient friendship, and to add to the advantage 
•' and prosperity of both countries, as well as for the welfare and hap- 
"piness of the subjects of each, I have sent Nakhan, Mindinyaza- 
" thiriyathu, Ahmuy^, Mindin-minhla-sithu, and J. S. Manook, Esq., 
"with a letter and presents, to your great Court with a view to 
"cement the former Iriendship. I beg that your Imperial Majesty 
"will accept the letter and presents which they bring you, and that 
"you will vouchsafe them an audience." 

The presents for the Emperor and Empress were one fine gold 
sword studded with valuable rubies, one large ruby ring, one 
sapphire ring, one large gold cup, weighing about a viss, studded 
with precious stones, and a number of fine silk pasos. His Majesty 
received the Ambassadors well, thanked them for their presents, and 
expressed his desire to keep on friendly terms with the King of. 
Burma. A few days aftenvards the party was invited to lunch by 
Prince Napoleon and by the Princess Mathllde in their palaces. They 
saw all the sights of Paris during their long stay and had a final in- 
terview with the Kmperor on the 3rd January 1857 at the Tuileries, 
when he presented a fine gun to the Nal'haniiaw, a fine sword to the 
Ahtn.Hyi\ and a pair of revolvers to Mr. J. S. Manook. Three days 
afterwards the Ambassadors left for Amarapura. In this year 
His Majesty's purveyor, Kaswa, brought from India for presentation 
a very fine conch shell, with colours like mother-o'-pearl, The 
volutes were all turned to the right and it was presented with great 

King Minddn wished to change the site of the capital from 
Amarapura, which had always been unhealthy, so he called to- 
gether the chief SayadaTos, the Crown Prince, the Ministers, and 
astrologers and consulted ihem. The King suggested the neigh- 
bourhood of Mandalay bill and this was unani?nously approved. 
The hill had long been noted as a pleasant and well-omened place, 
and the wise men now declared that, if the King built a new city 
there, he would meet with all kinds of success ; his power would be 




increased ; he would live long himself ; and the throne would be se- 
cured to his descendants for many generations, while the people 
would be happy and prosperous ; his dominions would be extend- 
ed ; and peace and tranquillity would be insured. 

The following tradition was produced from old chronicles. The 
Great Biuldha, when he overcame the five Mara and was able to 
see into futurity, prophesied regarding Mandalay hill as follows : 
" This hill, which was known in the time of the Buddha Kakusan- 
" dho (Kawkathan) as Khinasavopuram ; in the time of the Buddha 
"Konii Gomano (Gawnagon) as Wilawa Pura ; in the time of the 
** Buddha Kassapo (Kalhapa) as Padatha-Puram ; and in subse- 
" quent times as Mandalay was my abode in many former existences 
"as an elephant, as a lion, as a stag, a quail, an iguano, and as a 
"hunter, this spot, so fair in its formation, possesses every quality 
" that is good and is fit only for the abode of Kings." Thus spake 
the Lord Buddha when he visited the place with his disciple Anan-" 
da. A female biln heard him as he spake and worshipped his coun- 
tenace, which shone like the moon at the full. In her ardour she cut 
off one of her breasts and laid it as an offering at the foot of 
the Lord Buddha, who then prophesied as follows: "In the two 
"thousand four hundredth year after the establishment of my religion, 
"this place known as Mandalay will become avast city under the 
" name of Ratnapuram (Yatanabon) and thou," addressing the 
ogress, " as a descendent of the great Mahasammato (Mahathama- 
"da), shalt be the king of that city and shall have the means of great- 
" ly promoting my religion." Thus the Great Buddha, who had over- 
come the five Mara and possessed intuitive knowledge, like unto 
Sakko [Indra or Thi(n)gyaJ foresaw the royal city with its moat, 
palace, pagodas, temples, and monasteries. Thus did Mindon, the 
possessor of numerous while elephants and celestial weapons, endow- 
ed with all the virtues and accomplishments of a king, and moreover 
the subject of five distinct prophecies, became the founder of the 
city of Mandalay. 

While he was still a Prince, Mindon Min had many dreams, all 
of which pointed to Mandalay hill. He dreamt that he was on a high, 
many-tiered tower, almost reaching to the clouds and there took to 
his bosom a holy monk, who was a diligent propagator of religion. 
Also that he took two women by the hand, named Baw and Ma, 
one on each side, and mounted a white elephant of tlie colour of 
molten silver. Also on Friday, the second waning of the moon of 
Tasaungman 1218, at 3 o'clock in the morning, he dreamed that he 
went to Mandalay hill and saw there the house of a woman, named 
Mi Htun Aung, far advanced with child. He entered her house 




and from it saw hov fair vere the Yankintaung luU and the KuUa- 
pyog6n, and he saw that Mandalav hill was all overgrown with 
sweet-scented gra£s. Some of this scented sx^ss a man nai 
Nga Tin plucked and gave to him and said thai, if the myat^ 
elephants and horses were fed on this grass, they would be free from 
disease and all other evils. 

When the Ministers heard these dreams, whic-h were told to ihem 
informal audience, they said that in consequence of the great power 
and might of His Majesty the nais had seni him these dreams to 
show that Mandalay was a fit site for building a new capital, and 
that the lime for doing so had arrived. 

The Prime Minister, the Pakhangyi Myoza^ held numerous con- 
ferences with Sadaws, PonnaSt the heir-apparent, and the chief 
Queen, and it was eventually decided that ancient records, the Bud- 
dha's prophecy, the Nga Hmangan-gnvompadi, the sayings of 
rishts, sakkos {nats), and the Ceylon puroms, all pointed to this 
spot as one whereon a king born on a day of the week represented 
by a lion (Tuesday, Maung I, win's birthday^ should reign, and to 
the year, the two thousand four hundredth of the s&sanam (the 
religious era), as the fitting time. 

Just about this time certain doggerel verses were put about, 
which all indicated that the choice of site and time for a new city 
were favourable and the sanis taken were interpreted by the Sava- 
daws as full of good omen. [To seek signs by sanis a few persons 
are selected who have to sanctify themselves by incarnation and 
prayer. They are then sent out by night in different directions to 
certain parts of the town, usually to the south. When (hey arrive 
at fixed places, under a house, at a street comer, or in the middle 
of the road, thev wait until they hear some one speak. Whatever 
is said is carefully written down and taken to the person who sent 
them out. All the utterances thus recorded are considered together 
and experts decide whether their import is favourable or not. J 

The King therefore finally decided on this site and gave orders 
for the calculation of the measurements and the determination of a 
lucky day for the foundation of the city. The Council, after long 
consultation, fixed all the dimensions and selected Friday, the 5th 
iabyigyaw of Tabodw^ 1218 B. E. (13th February 1857) as the aus- 
picious day to commence the building of the city and palace. The 
following officials were told off to superintend the works and were 
sent to Mandalay, — the Myedaung Myoza Tlumat IVungyi Thado 
mingyi-maha-minhla-kyawthu, the Pakhan Wungyi Thado-ming)"!- 
maha-minhla-sithu, ihe Dai ng Wundaui' Maha-minhla-lhirithunow 
fjK-Khampat IVungyi}, the Thittaw ii^un Minkyaw-minhla-sithu, 


the Namkfe IVun Minhla-mindin Kyawthu, the Sayegyi Minhla-mln- 
din-yaza, the Atwinsaye Minhla-mindin-kyaw, the Atwinsaye Min- 
hla-thiri-yaza (nuwtf;r-Kinwun Mingyi) and the Ahmya Minhla-thin- 
I khaya. Mandalay hill was fixed upon as the point from which 
to start the site of the city and town which were mapped out as 
follows : the boundaries were, on the soulh the Zaunggalaw bank, 
measuring on that side 500 tas ; on the west the river Irrawaddy 
wiihin a space of 1,600 tas so much land as was level was to be 
taken up ; on the east by the Aungbinlfe tank , and on the north 
the Mahananda tank. In the month of April the King advanced 
money, bullocks, seed-grain, and all other requisites to the owners of 
land between Avaand Mandalay and Mandalay and Madaya, whether 
Government servants, officials, soldiers, or ancestral possessors, to 
enable them to cultivate the soil, and in the same month, on the 
auspicious day, thi: King and Queen received a formal blessing 
from the sayadaws, as had been done when his great-grandfather 
Bodaw founded Amarapura in 1 145 B.E. {1783 A.D.) and when his 
uncle Bagyidaw founded Ava for the fourth time in 1185 B.E. 
(1834), and Tharrawaddi, his father, rc-foundcd Amarapura in 1203 
B.E. (1841). The King took the title of ThiniJawaya-wizeya-nan- 
daya-thapandita Mahadhammayazadiyaza and the chief Queen took 
the title of Thlripawaya-mahayaxeinda-dipati-yatana Dewi. 

The following month the white elephant called Hnitpa-pyitsaya 
Nagayaza died. The body was kept three days and was then placed 
in a large white open cart covered with while umbrellas. All its 
harness, adornments, and utensils were solemnly carried in front of 
it and proceeded from the west gale of the palace to the Alawigate 
of the city and thence to the burial-ground and was there burnt with 
great ceremony, according to custom. The bones were collected 
and placed in large jars, which were buried between the walls of the 
Mahawezayanthi Pagoda, and over them a tomb was erected. 
The image of the elephant also was carved and placed in a building 
with a spire and the title was written up over the doorway, in order 
to preserve the memory of the royal animal. This noted white 
elephant was brought to the capital in the reign of Bodawpaya, the 
King's great-grandfather, and was highly esteemed and respected 
and worshipped by the Burmese. 

In June 1857 the King, the chief Queen, and the whole Court 
moved in great procession from Amarapura to Mandalay- On the 
way, at a halt, a fire broke out in the carap of the Eingshemin and 
to shelter huts were burnt before it was put out. The fire began 
in the hut of*Ma Paw, one of the minor wives, and the astrologers 
declared that it was a good omen in order to please the King, The 
people, however, thought otherwise, for the removal had caused great 



distress and discontent. They were forced lo leave their houses, 
gardens, and lands in order to settle in the city and no one dared 
utter a word of complaint for fear of punishment. 

At Mandalay the King established himself in a temporary palace 
until the large building now existing should be built and went out 
frequently on the female elephant called Tein-u Layaung to inspect 
the works round the city and to assign lo the various olricials sites 
for their houses. When the temporary kyaungs were built, the Tha- 
thanahaing, sayadaws and pongyis, to the number of about 500, 
also marched in great procession, with the images of Gautama and 
i)\Q pitakas from Amarapura lo Mandalay, and settled in their new 
establishments. The images and pitakas (the Buddhist scriptures) 
were placed on platforms and carried on the shoulders of men, the 
images under the shadeof eight golden umbrellas, the/iVajta^ under 
the shadow of six. The chief sadaw had four white umbrellas 
and each of the $00 rahaus two. The King and Queen, the Royal 
mother, the heir-apparent, and all the Princes and Ministers received 
them at the Ywe-daw-yu gate. The bahoyin or campanile was soon 
finished and Mindon Mln then asked the monks whether it would be 
fitting before the completion of the palace to hang up the large 
drum and bell according to custom, so as to give the time to tne 
city. The Archbishop agreed and a bell and drum were therefore 
immediately hung up. 

In April 1858 a mission arrived from America with a letter from 
the President of the United States to the King, expressing a desire 
lo cultivate friendly relations with Burma, and some of the officials 
of the Hlutdaw were sent to receive them and to conduct them to 
the Residency set apart for such visitors. The party was well re- 
ceived by the King. 

In May the walls of the palace and the palace itself were complet- 
ed and on Friday, Kmon Lahyigya-m 5lh (May ist) at 11 in the 
morning, there was a violent thunderstorm and the palace spire was 
struck by lightning. The pyathat had been built under the per- 
sonal superintendence of the Myadaung Wungyi and the Kinp 
addressed him and other Ministers assembled in the Hall of Audience 
and stated that this was a good omen and that he would be \\c' 
torious over all his enemies. Among the poorer classes, however, 
it was looked on as a portent of evil and increased the discontent. 

When the palace and the walls were completed the King and the 
chief Queen, according to ancient custom, proceeded from the tempo- 
rary palace in a Yatana Than^in, or State palanquin, in formal 
procession to the new golden palace and ascended to the Myenan, 
QT Hall of Audience by the great eastern stairs. When he had 



thus formally taken possession, he made a number of presents to 
old men and women who had been in ihe royal service and gave them 
permission to take as much money as they could lift with their two 
hands from a heap of rupees poured out for the purpose. He also 
made considerable offerings To potigyis and to poor people. 

A fine white elephant was caught by the Thaungthwut Saivhva, 
Maha-mawreri Wuntha-thiha-dhammayaza, at a place called Thaya- 
gon-Paukbin Aing-u, near Thfc-6n, on the eastern bank of the 
Tholawadi (the Cliindwin river) in the Kyiwun district. The King 
sent the Myothit IVuudauk to bring the elephant with befitting 
ceremony to Mandalay. It was shipped on a large barge and on its 
arrival at Amarapura the Crown Prince and the chief Ministers and 
officials were sent to escort it to Mandalay On its arrival at the 
city, it was received with great pTsl's and Tejolcings and the whole 
population turned out to receive the elephant as they did in the 
time of Bodawpaya. When it arrived at the north side of the palace 
the King himself came out to meet it and conferred on the elephant 
the title of Moyeya-pyilsaya Nagayaza, and cities, villages, gold, and 
silver utensils, attendants, and officials were assigned to the beast's 
service according to ancient custom The Thaungthwut Chief was 
promoted to the first rank of Saivbiva and received many presents 
and privileges, and great rewards' were conierred on all the men who 
had helped to capture the elephant. 

In January 1859 the Mal6n Prince Thiri-mahadhammayaza, the 
eldest son of the King by the Myauk-saungdaw Queen, married the 
Salin^ryl Princess, the eldest daughter of the Eingshemin. The 
ceremony was conducted with great splendour and the couple were 
assigned apartments in the north-west quarter of the palace. 

The King sent a number of offerings to the potigyis in Ceylon 
and in return they presented to him a sii-^dau^ or tooth of Gautama, 
dattaw, trnvedaiv, relics and hairs of the Buddha, images, models 
of banyan trees, monasteries, pagodas, caves, and religious buildings. 
The Yenangyaung Ativimi^un was sent to receive these on their 
arrival at Malun and they were brought up in royal boats. On their 
arrival at Sagaing they were kept there for about a month and four 
days at Amarapura to enable the people to worship them. They were 
then brought on with great pomp and ceremony to Mandalay. The 
King himself waited at the eastern gate of the palace and carried 
the sw^datu and the dattaiv with his own hands to a highly deco- 
rated building which had been erected specially for their reception 
to the west of the hahoyin, or campanile ; the remaining sacred 
things were carried in by the Princes and were deposited in the 
palace. The King personally superintended ami only retired when 
everything had been properly set up. 


On the 13th December of that year (1859) Nattaw iabyigytiw, 
4ih, lilt: AJcnaminadav: Queen gave birth to a daughter Supayalat^ 
ifcrrwards the wife of King Thibaw. 

In January i860 the King and the chief Queen paid a State visit 
X*s Kangaung to the east of Mandalay. where a temporary palace 
had betn erected. At the same time the Queen Dottas;er went to 
worship at the Arakan pagoda. 

In the same monih ihe Zaion Wungyi, who was Mindon Min's 
Commander-in-Chief in 1853, died and was buried with great pomp. 

In April the King and the chief Queen paid a visit to the Manaw 
Yamun garden. [These movements are chronicled because the King 
so seldom left the palace. J On his return he ordered the Myadaung 
IKkw^^'; to build a large tectum with a spire on Mandalay HilU 
Under this tasaung was set up a huge image called Shwe Yat-taw, in 
the shape and stature of Gautama Buddha, fashioned of wood and 
gilt all over. The Fluddha stands erect, pointing with his finger to- 
wards the city of Mandalay and at his feel kneels his disciple, 
Ananda, as one who should ask " Where is the most convenient and 
pleasant place 10 build a city ?" The Buddha in reply points to the 
palace and signifies that it shall last for ever, from generation to 
generation. [This figure was burnt down in 1892.] A covered way 
01 saungdan was built from the foot of the hill up to these fig^ures 
and was carried on to the pagoda called Myat-saw Nyinaung on the 
summit. The construction was superintended by the Magwe tf'«w 
gyif ihe Myadaung /K««^^!, and the Pakhan IVungyi. Asaungtfan 
was also built on the western side of the hill. 

In June, at the beginning of Lent, 60 candidates for ordination 
were examined in the MyenaUy or Hall of Audience, by the Tha- 
ihannbaing and the saiiau's in the presence of the King, the chief 
Queen, and the whole body of Ministers. Immediately afterwards 
the King's sons, the Sagu Prince, the Makon Prince, the .Vyaung- 
yan, Monnyin, MyingonHaing, and N^ayane Princes, with 60 attend- 
ants, were admitted as neophytes in the sacred order of the yellow 
robe, in a large building which had been erected for the purpose in 
front of the Afyetjiitt. The investiture was marked with great cere- 
mony and rejoicings and the King presented a nniltitude of offer- 
ings to the monks. Again, at the end of Lent, in October, 350 
postulants from Mandalay, Amarapura, and Sagaing were assem- 
bled and examined in the same place by ihe Arc-nbishopin the pre- 
sence of the King and Queen as before. 

In May 1861, after a short stay with all his queens at the tem- 
porary palace to the north-east of the city, the King specially ap- 
pointed four officers — The Maha-minhla-mingaung-thihathuforthe 








east, the Maha-minc'.in-kyaw for the south, the Maha-thiy&-ihinkaya 
for the west, and ihe Thittaw IVun for the north to be Collectors or 
Revenue Officers for ihe receipt of the thathameda-X.7i:^. This vas a 
new institution. Previous to King Mindon all the rulers of Burma 
had assigned districts, towns, or villages to the Queens, Princes, 
Princesses, and officials for their support and according to their rank 
and services. They drew the whole revenue for themselves. Un- 
der the new regulation, with tht; exception of the Shan States and 
the tracts assigned to the Eingshemm, the thnthameda^ or ro per 
cent, capitation -tax, was the only cess authorized, and the revenue 
collectors were especially enjoined not to oppress the people, or to 
collect any sums beyond this thathameda. The money was paid 
into the treasury and disbursed in the shape of monthly salaries to 
the Queens. Princes, Princesses, officials, body-servants, and troops. 
The cliief Queen was excepted from this system of monthly pay, 
like the Eingshemiftt but otherwise the system of general taxation 
and regular monthly salaries was regularly established. 

In July a thein, a sacred kiosk or pavilion, and a row of sayats, 
or rest-houses, were built under Mandalay hill and were consecrated 
by the King in person. At the same time he gave presents to 850 

About this time disturbances broke out on the borders of the Shan 
Slates, created by the Tawng Pen'j;(Taungbaing) Saivbwa^ who had 
been the first of the Saivhwas to make his submission to the King 
in 1853 at Shwebo. The Yivalatywebo was sent to repress them 
with 50 men. The Tawng Peng i'rtTi'^rt-fl was shot and the troubles 
then came to an end. At the same time the Kachins, who had been 
causing much mischief in the Mong Mit (Momeik) State, were sup- 
pressed by the Myauk'tvinhmu^ who was despatched with 600 men 
for the purpose. 

In July also there was a great ear-boring- feast in honour of the 
piercing of the ears of the Eingshemtn's daughter, the Sampenago 
Princess Thinkinsana-dc-wi, the Taunghnyo Princess Thiripada-dewi 
and other children, the daughters of minor wives. This was held 
with great pomp at the residence of the Crown Prince, and the King 
dedicated a pagoda at the foot of Mandalay Hill. This was called 
Mahalawkamazin and the foundation had been laid when the city of 
Mandalay was begun. In this pagoda were desposited 14 small 
gold pagodas, studded with precious stones, one mo-gyo pagoda 
{mO'gyo is an alloy of gold and brass), six small plain gold pagodas, 
four silver pagodas, 32 relics of Gautama, two teeth of the Buddha 
in a shell box, and a silver box filled with banyan leaves. On its 
dedication, according to custom, the King placed a golden A/j', or 



umt>relU, on the summit and there were great popular festivities after 
the Cf^rcmony. 

In May 1862 the Th6nzt- Prince, Mahathu-thiridhammayaza was 
married to the Yanaun<(myin Princess Thiriseiktawadi, a daughter 
of the Eingshemittt and there was much popular rejoicing on the oc- 

In the latter part of the year Major Arthur Phayre came to Man- 
dalay to conclude a treaty. He was honourably received and on the 
ronclusinn of the treaty the King presented him with a gold sal^ce 
of 1 2 strings, and also gave a saiiri of nine strings to Mr. Edwards, 
the Collector of Customs, besides presents to the other oflficers of 
the mission. 

In March 1863 the sflifixa' Sandiraa-bhi-thiri-tazu-pawara-maha- 
dama-yazadiyaza-guru, who had been the King's teacher died in 
the celebrated San kyaung, at the foot of Mandilay hill. The King 
undertook his obsequies, which were conducted on a very splendid 
scale. The sadn-x was burnt on a funeral pyre erected in the en- 
closure of the San kyaung in the presence of the King, the chief 
Queen, and the whole of the Royal Family, together with the Officers 
of Stale. The San kyaung was then handed ov-er to the Pyi sada-x. 
the Myauknandaw Queen's sadaic. 

The King's canal, the Yatana-nadi, was finished about this time. 
It lies to the north-east of Mandalay and receives its waters from the 
Nfeda lake, which is fed from Singu through Madaya. The moat 
and the canals within the palace walls were supplied from this Yata* 
na-nadi canal, and on its banks the King had a lemporary palace 
built, whither he often made pleasure trips in the royal boats with 
his queens, the royal children, and the State officials. The King also 
ordered many of the Ministers and town ofTicers to enclose gardens 
and make plantations on the waste land to the east of this canal. 
This was accordingly done and the fruit and other produce was re- 
gularly given to the monks of Mandalay. \A list of these gardens 
is given elsewhere.] 

In March 1863 the King's son, the Th6nzfe Prince, without any 
previous notice, rode off from Mandalay to Tauntj-ngu with only 
10 attendants. On his arrival at Taung-ngu he was sent on by the 
Deputy Commissioner to Rangoon. The Prince's escapade was not 
heard of for four days, but even then it was not known whither he 
had gone from Mandalay. When the King heard that he was in 
Rangoon, he sent a special steamer for him with officials to persuade 
him to return. The Th6nz^ Prince afier some time agreed to coroe 
back and, on his return, was placed under the surveillance of the 
Eirtgshemin. This Prince was the eldest of those put to death by 


King Thibaw in 1879. [It does not appear what the Burman 
chronicle means by the " handing over" of the Prince to the Eing- 
skemin, but apparently he was only watched, not imprisoned-] 

In April at the time of the water festival, the Burmese New Year, 
the King and chief Queen had their heads washed according toancicnt 
custom, but with more than ordinary ceremonial. They went out in 
solemn procession to the southern garden and there gave alms to 216 
aged poor, Rs. 20 to each person. On their return the King and the 
chief Queen breakfasted in state on I he throne, Bamnyathana, the 
white umbrella called Mananhaya being throughout the meal held 
over their heads. After this ceremonial repast the whole of the 
Royal Family, the Ministers of State, and subordinate officials were 
feasted in the //;«(7««a«rf23£' (the crystal reception-room). [This 
new year's breakfast was, however, an annual feast.] 

In May, an exceedingly fine ruby, weighing 1 tical, was presented 
to the King by the Myo6k of Mong Mit and MOnglang (Momcik 
and Mohlaing) and was carried in state to the palace. At the same 
time the Myelat Wun presented from the Shan States three fine 
elephants named Seingale, Naungthaing, and Mcnangu. Other 
eli'phants were also presented by Ngwedaung, Kayingale, Ncmyo- 
thilon-yanaung. These elephants were named Maunggale, Sitepan, 
Ngwepong. Shwe Chein, Seiktingale, Hpumaung, and Mt:nanywe. 

About this time there was a disturbance at Yawng Hwe (Ny- 
aungywe) in the Shan Slates, which was suppressed by the Myothit 
Wundaukt the Monfe Taibohmu, Mingyi Mahamindin-Setnu, to 
whom the King despatched 1,200 men for the purpose. 

In November the Mekkhara Prince, Thiri-mahathudhammayaza, 
married the Pin Princess, Thiri-thukatha-dewi, with great ceremonial. 
Both the Prince and the Princess were children of the King, but they 
were half-brother and sister. The Mekkhara Prince was one of 
those killed in 1879 by King Thibaw. 

In February of the following year (1864) the King's daughter, 
the Kanni Princess, Thiri-thusarida-dewi, was married to the eldest 
son of the Eingshemin, the Padeln Prince Maha-lhiridhammayaza. 

In March 1864 the King inaugurated ten hospitals built at his 
expense for old and sick people. To each of these hospitals, or 
alms-houses, three Burmese doctors were attached ; another hospi- 
tal was also built by the Kin^ to the south-east of the palace, which 
was put under the charge of Doctor Marfels, a German Physician 
in the employment of His Majesty. 

In July Mr. William Wallace came to Mandalay and presented 
the King with a golden telescope studded with 542 small diamonds. 
The King gave him i.ioo teak logs as a return present. 



[chap. II. 

In August the M.igwu and Myadaung IVungyis were re-called 
from Sagyintanng, whither thcv had been sent to excavate a lar^ 
block of marble for an image of Gautama, They had extracted the 
block, but were unable to convey it to Mandalay. The King there- 
fore sent the Laungshe Wungyi, ihe Hkamhpat U'undauk, the 
Pab6 Wuu, the Padeing IVnn, and the Tautigdive Bo to arrange for 
its removal. Two flats with the steamer AUrtan Sekkya were taken 
to the spot. The loading was effected and the block was towed up 
al the height of the rains. When the marble had reached Mon- 
ywa, the King sent a number of sudavs, pongyis, and officials on 
board of the flats to receive it. The flats were towed by steamers, 
on board of which were numerous bands of music. When the 
marble block reached EngOn, a gun was fired and the flat was 
lowed along the recently constructed channel of the Shweta chaung. 
It was finally loaded on a huge car. which was dragged by 10,000 
men in 13 days to the foot of Mandalay hill, under the supervision 
of the Eingshcmin, the If'ungyis, and all the chief officials. There 
it was hewn by the sculptors working night and day under a spe- 
cially built tectum, and pTtrs and festival dances were carried on 
without Intermission until it was set up in the building constructed 
for its reception. The King and the Royal household paid several 
visits during the progress of the work and, at the final ceremony, 
stayed in the temporary palace called Nammepontha at the foot of 
Mandalay hill. The sculptors were royally rewarded and fed 
throughout At the King's cost. Near the gigantic ima^e were built 
33 sayats, or rest-houses, for the accommodation of tfie pious, the 
work being superintended by the Royal ofllicials. The King also 
paid a visit to the Maha Lawkamazin pagoda, decked it with lights, 
and fed 600 necessitous persons, men and women. During his stay 
at the temporary palace the King sent every morning to the Maha 
Lawkamazin pagoda and to the marble image quantities of tbc 
food called 7'hinbukto-x (the food of Shin Gautama). This was 
carried regularly in procession with bands of music and Royal offi- 
cials accompanying it. The rejoicings over the setting up of the 
great image lasted many days. 

In November of the same year the Shwepyi Bo was sent with a 
force of 1,000 men, under the command of the Mong Nai ^Moni) 
Sikke, Ming\*i Mahanawrata, to suppress disturbances on the Hsen 
Wi (Theinni) borders. About the same time the Mawk Mai 
(Maukmt:) Saiebwa (the so-called Kolnn or nine-fathom StJtrb7cii\ 
and the Ming6n Paleiksa escaped from Mandalay and made their 
way to the Mawk Mai Stale, where they raised a rebellion and 
marched as far as Mong Nai with a large body of men. They did 
a great deal of mischiel and the King sent the Myothit li^undaui 

CHAP. 11.] 


to take charge of Mong Nai as Tatbohnm and march thence with 
a force of 2,100 men. The P6ndawpyit ^t?, the Kindat Bo^ and 
the Lelwi Kyaun^/?(?, with 2,300 men and 20 elephants, were also 
sent to the Shan Stales to carr)- the artillery and ammunition. This 
force was under the command of the Ashe Winhmu, Thirivawun, 
and started from Mandalay. The Mawk MaJ Saivbwa and Ming6n 
Paleiksa, however, could make no stand against such a force and 
fled with all their relatives and following beyond the Salween to 
Mong Mali. 

In Februar)' 1865 the King, the chief Queen, and the whole 
Court again went to the Namniep6ntha temporary palace at the foot 
of Mandalay hill to watch the chiselling of the face of the great 
marble image, which had only been commenced after the setting up 
of the block. The work look some time and, while it was being 
carried on, the King had fresh copies made of the Bitagat-thonbon 
(the Three Baskets of the Law), the old books having somewhat fal- 
len into decay. There were upwards of 200 fasciculi of palm-leaves, 
and each of these was placed separately in a box and conveyed 
with great ceremony from the Royal Palace to the Bitagattaik, or 
theological library, a building which had been specially prepared for 
them near the King's temporary residence at the foot ol Mandalay 
hill. At the same time the King ordered the repair of the Mu river 
canal from Myinkwa taung In Myedu district to the Mahananda 
lake at Shwebo. This had been first dug by the orders of the 
King's great grandfather Alaungpaya, and that monarch had gone 
by boat along it on his return from the conquest of Manipur, King 
Mindon, besides repairing this work, ordered the people of Shwebo 
Myedu, Hkanthani, Ngayane, Thontabin, Pylnsala, and Tabayin to 
dig a canal from the Mahananda lake as far as the Sagaing district. 
This labour was placed under the supervision of the Magwe Wun' 
gyi, the Myauk It'un/tmu, the P6ppa IVundauk, the Shwebo IVun, 
and the local officials. The Eingshcmin built two large brick rest- 
houses on the banks of this canal, near Silhu, and 3 miles apart the 
one from the other. 

Meanwhile the King with his own hands planted a number of 
Ba-Qidihin, or banian trees, within the enclosure of the large marble 
image. These trees had been specially brought from Ceylon and 
many other countries. The planting of trees was carried on amidst 
the clash of bands and the firing of artillery. At last in May the 
King went in solemn procession to the place where the image was 
and showed the sculptors himself what alterations were to be made 
In the expression of ihe face. Ten guns were fired on this occasion 
and there was a great feast and many offerings were made to the 
monks of all grades and the sculptors and masons were richly re- 


warded. After the ceremony the King returned again to the royal 

The following month His Majesty went out to the temporary 
palace in the Mingala garden and, according to ancient custom, 
there ploughed the fields under a salute of three guns. After the 
Kin^ had ploughed, the Crown Prince, the Ministry, and all the other 
officials also ploughed a few furrows. The ceremony terminated 
with an elaborate feast. 

In this same month of June 1865, a number of the Princes 
took a formal oath of allegiance to the King in the Byitaik. The 
Eingshemin was present with the King and the words of the oath 
were spoken before the image of Gautama, the Princes repeating 
them after a thandawstn. They were to the effect that they would 
neither do nor support anything against the welfare of the King, 
that they would drink no intoxicating liquor, or palm-toddy, and 
that they would eat no beef. The Princes who took the oath were 
the Malon, the Myingon, the Sagu, the Mekkhara, the Padein, the 
Myingondalng, the Wuntho, the Chabin, the Pinlfe, the Katha, the 
Thfelin, Shwegu, and Maington Minthas. After this ceremony the 
King and the chief Queen, in the Hall of Audience, admitted 53 
young men into the Sacred Order, presenting them with the pre- 
scribed yellow robes. This was done in the presence of 13 
sadaws^ At the same time 216 />(?fl«jj (Brahmins) received pre- 
sents of money and clothing (216 is twice the sacred number of 
beads on the rosary, no doubt one for each bead on the rosaries of 
the King and Queen). The King Had been keeping fast up to 
this time in preparation for Lent and his fast had been shared by 
1,245 officials and palace servants. These were now presented 
with articles of dress. On the conclusion of the ceremonial the 
King once more returned within the city walls. 

In October 1865, a salute of three guns was fired in honour of 
the striking of the first Burmese coin in the royal mint, and a pro- 
clamation was issued directing the use of these coins throughout 
the King's dominions. The mint stood within the palace stockade, 
immediately to the north of the bahosin, the central campanile. 

In November the Sinlin Princess had her ears bored. She was 
the King's daughter by the Linbin Queen and had been adopted 
as her daughter by the Myauknandaw Queen. She was looked 
upon as the King's mother, re-born upon earth again. For this 
reason she was called Tabindaing, a title given by Buddhist Kings 
to those whom they loved most, and implying that the bearer is the 
first favourite. Her title was Thuthiya-myatswa-yatana. The ear- 
boring was conducted with the utmost magnificence in the Hman" 
nandaw, the crystal palace, amidst general feasting and rejoicing. 




At the same time the following Royal Princesses had their ears bored, 
— the Taungiha, Kyuiuiaung, Hkutywa, Kyannyat, Hlihlaing, Saw- 
hla, Momeik.and Hini;aiiaw A/iiUha7f)is,as \\'t:\\ ss ihc /^^r'ngshemtn' s 
daughter, the Ailazayathein Princess, each according to their rank 
and dignity. The King and the chief Queen viere present, dress- 
ed in their royal robes and seated on a gnlden couch of sttile, and 
near them, seated on a gilded couch, were the Queen Dowager 
and the anni of the King and Queen. When the fortunate hour 
had arrived, a gun was fired and at the same moment all the while 
umbrellas were opened out. The Hmannandaw was specially 
fitted on this occasion with the ancient royal furniture, called Min- 
gundato, made of gold studded with jewels, and the roi^m was richly 
decorated for the ceremony. Pwes were carried on all day and all 
night through. Not only were offerings made to the Thathatiabaing, 
the sadawSt and all the pongyis of the royal city, but all the 
Queens, Princes, Princesses, olTicials, foreigners, Chinese, Maho- 
metans, Brahmins, and chief residents of the city received pre- 
sents in honour of the occasion. 

In February 1866 the King with all his queens and establishment 
went to the temporary palace at the foot of Mandalay hill and 
worshipped at the Mahakamazin pagoda before the great image 
which had been brought from Sagyin taung. At this time the 
Thathanahaing Sada7vgyi died and was buried with great honours. 
As the remains passed by to the funeral pyre, the King and Queen 
came out in state from the temporary palace to do them honour, 
and the Eingshetniji, the Princes, and the Ministers of State fol- 
lowed the train to the place of burning. At the Burmese new year 
the King, according to his regular custom, went to the Mingala gar- 
den palace and ploughed the fields with all his Court. 

In April a great fire broke out in the west of the town in the 
Tulukyanaung quarter in the house of Maung Lat, one of the 
King's servants Before it had burnt itself out the Kyunhtektan, 
the Moat road, the Thfetan, the Byincinggyitan, the Sagaingtan, 
or Merchant street, and the Watan up to the Thayfe bazaar were 
completely destroyed and upwards of 3,800 houses were burnt, with 
great loss of property. 

At the beginning of Lent the KJng entertained the people who 
had kept fast with him at the Maha Lawkamazin Pagoda and the 
great marble image and ordered his Ministers and officials and 
rich people of the town also to entertain them each in his 
turn. This was, however, put a sudden end to by the rebeih'on in 
the city. The Myingon and Mying6ndaing Princes had conceived 
the idea that their uncle, the Eittgj/iemtn, had treated thp/rj ill and 



they resolved to put him to death. They consulted astrologers to 
determine a favourable day for the crime and arranged to fire a cer- 
tain pan of the town as a signal to one another and to their fol- 
lowers to make a sudden attack on the palace. On the 5lh 
labyigy-i' of Nayon 1228 B. E. (i6lh June 1866) the sky became 
as red as hlood and there was a violent storm and several houses 
were struck by lightning in the north-east of the city. Two days 
later the Princes set about their work.. At noon the Eingshemin was 
deliberating with a number of the Ministers in an open building near 
the Hluida-w about this very plot. He had been informed of the 
conspiracy some lime before, but had taken no immediate notice of 
the warning. Now, just at the moment when it was being debated 
whether the two conspirators should be arrested or not, the signal 
fire was kindled in the HawgOn quarter, and the Myingon and 
Myingdndaing Princes with their following, all armed with guns and 
drawn swords, rushed into the palace, the one through the eastern 
gate the other by the southern. The Mying6ndaing rushed towards 
the Council Hall crying " Save me, Save me, " and behind him came 
the Myingon. This was part of the plot. The idea was to sug- 
gest that they had quarrelled and that the Myingondaing was seek- 
mg the protection of the Etugsfiemin, In this way they hoped to 
prevent the Crown Prince from taking to flight on the first alarm. 
The Myadaung Wungyi was the first man met. He was greatly 
alarmed at the sight of men with naked swords within the palace 
limits, a thing that had never been known before, and still more to 
see them headed by two Princes of the blood. He advanced to en- 
quire the cause of the uproar and was immediately cut down by one 
of the Princes' followers. The Eingshemin saw this and fled from 
the zayat towards the IHiUdaw for protection. Just as he reached 
the steps, however, he was killed by Hpadi, one of the Princes* 
followers. At his heels came the Myineondaing, who cut oflf his 
uncle's head, and rushed with it to the Myingon shouting Aung' 
dawmoopyi — " We've conquered, we've done it." The Laungshe 
IVungyi, the Myauk IVinhmtt, the Le Wun^ the Taung JVun, the 
Nakhan P^a-agyihrnu, the Ngayani and Hkawthonni Myooks, and 
other officials were cut down and left for dead. The Pakhan IVun- 
gyi, the Myothil IVundatik, the P6ppa Wundauk, the Kyauk-ve 
IVundauk, the Thittaw Afyorvun, the Myotha Myowun, the Kve 
IVuHy the Sin IVun and some others succeeded in effecting their 
escape. The Malon Prince and his brother, the Pyinsi, as well 
as the Sagu Prince, had already been seized and murdered at the 
south gate of the palace. 

The rebels then made for the temporary palace to kill the King 
also. Fortunately the uproar hrfd been heard and the Ashe Win- 

CHAP. U.] 



hmu, the Kin IVun^ and Taungd-xe Bo 

out with a few 

\mu, me ivin ivun, ana launga-xe uo came out witn a tew men 
and met the rebels face to face. The Kin Wun iinmedialeiy seized 
the Myingondaing and there was a violent struggle, but the IVuu 
was stabbed from behind. '1 he others also fought vigorously, 
but they were outnumbered and the whole of the royal party were 
killed. This diversion, however, gave the King lime to escape, with 
his family and attendants, 50 in all. Thuv leit the temporary palace 
by the western gate and itiade for the city. Outside the gate the 
King came upon the Shwcdasw6 Bo> Maung Paik Ku who had 
been specially posted there by the Myin^on prince with orders to 
kill the King. Of this the King knew nothing. He recognized him 
however, and said " Nga Paik Ku carry me to the palace." The 
Bo came forward and as he did so the Mckkhara and Chinbin 
Princes saw a da in his hands and took it from hiiu. The King then 
climbed on his back and they set out to the palace. The chief 
Queen was carried by Kalabyo-thinnyut Saya, Maung Chaung, and 
the Princes and the household followed close behind. On their way 
they came upon a pony belonging to the Anauk IVun, Maung Tattu, 
the brother of the Tadaingshe Queen, who was the mother of the 
Nyaung Van and NyaungOk Princes. This the King mounted and 
ihe party reached the palace in safety. 

The Myingfin Prince came with the Eingshemtn^s head to the 
temporary palace and sent for the Yenangyaung Aiwimvun, who 
was brought before him surrounded by men with drawn das. The 
Myingon held up his uncle's head and said : " Look at this ; this is 
the head of the man you thought would be kins^." The AtTvinwun 
was afraid and said : " Are you going to kill me also ? The Myingon 
Prince said : *' No, not if you will swear allegiance to me." This the 
Yenangyaung AtTvintvun accordins^ly did, swearing by the Kutho- 
daw Pagoda, which the King had recently built near the temporary 

Meanwhile the Mying6ndaing Prince, after killing the three 
officials mentioned above, had been searching for the King in the 
inner apartments and now burst into the main room, with a sword 
in each hand, shouting " the King is nowhere to be found; he has 
escaped us." The Myingon forthwith placed the Yenangyaung 
A/Tvitfuutn in charge of the temporary palace and, picking out 40 
of his most trusted adherents, set out with his brother to the palace. 
They entered the city by the eastern gate and made their way to 
the Hiutdaiv, where they tried to force open the Taga-ni by firing 
repeated volleys at it. In this attempt, however, they were soon 
checked by the Mekkhara Prince and a party of officials who opened 
fire on them from the top of the steps of the Myenan, or Hall of 
Audience. The Myingondaing then suggested to his brother that 



they should smear the ///utdun' vrhh earth-oil and set fire to it. 
The fire could not fail to spread to the palace and the King would 
have to fly for his life and would be sure to fall into iheir hands. 
The Myingon Prince, however, refused to allow this, because their 
mother was in the palace and might be injured in the scuflle. Short- 
ly after, the Taungshweya Queen, by order of His Majesty, appeared 
at the top of the stockade, surrounded by guards, and endeavoured 
to persuade her suns lo retire. They stubbornly refused to listen 
to her entreaties and continued firing into the palace. 

In the meantime the Crown Prince's troops to the number of 200 
marched on the temporary palace in search of their master. The 
Myingon's men in charge of the place immediately took to flight 
without resistance and followed the Princes to the palace. The 
^j'«^5/ii?/«/H'j men after a fruitless search followed up and entered 
the city by the northern gate and soon came upon the two Princes 
close to the lllutdaiv. They opened fire and killed several of the 
rebel Bos and the Myingon and MyingondaJng after a short resis- 
tance retired to the west of the palace to the Afiaukydn^ or 
women's court. From this point as night fell they again began to 
fire upon the palace. The Shwedasw6 Bo^ Maung Paik Ku (who 
had carried the King into the palace), now came out and made his 
way to the Myingon Prince at the Tuwya pagoda, near the AnanJiydrt. 
The Prince asked him whether he had seen the King and, when he 
heard what had happened, killed the Bo on the spot for disobe- 
dience of orders. Firing went on all night, but in the morning the 
King's troops had collected in such numbers that the Anaukyon 
was nearly surrounded, and the rebels fell back on the river. They 
found the King's steamer, the Yenan Sekkya, there and took posses- 
sion, got up steam, and went down the river to Myingyan. There 
they seized the \Vu7i and his officers and collected all the arms and 
ammunition they could tind. They also laid hands on a qunntity of 
tkathameda money which was ready for despatch 10 Mandalay, and, 
after having taken on a number of fighting men, weighed anchor and 
went on to Ycnangyaung. They made a prisoner of the Yenan- 
gyaung Myoihugyi, who was a son of the Atmniouut and having seiz- 
ed money and arms as before, steamed on to MalOn, where they did 
the same thing. Afttr staying at Mal6nafew days t hey returned to 
Myingyan and stayed there for about a month plundering the river* 
side and other villages. The King mf-anwhile put the Yenangyaung 
AiwittTi'un in command of the iroups who were collected to operate 
against the rebels. The AlTvinwun first of all made his way to 
Salin and Sinbyugyun, where he concerted measures for the arrest 
of the Princes and then proceeded to attack Myingyan. The 
Myingon Prince put the Afyof/tugyi in the bows of his steamer and 




bade him call out that he would be the first to fall if fire was opened 
on the steamer. Soon after the rebels' steamer started down the 
river, whicli had not been expected. The Atwimvun pursued, but 
the Yenan Sskkya was too fast for him, and all he could do was to 
pursue her to the frontier and force the Princes to take refuge in 
British lerritory, where they were interned at Rangoon. 

The Taungshweya Queen was now thrown into prison by the 
King on suspicion of having had a knowledge of the projects of her 
sons and remained there for a long time. 

After remaining some time in Rangoon, the Mying6n Prince 
made his way to Kyetbogyi in Karenni and thence made raids on 
the Durmese frontier. The Lamaing Wundauk was sent against 
him with a force of 3,600 men, and before long the Mylngon had 
as^ain to take to flight. He returned to Rangoon and was there put 
under restraint by the British Government. 

On the day of the Crown Prince's murder, his son the Padeing 
Prince fled with about 70 men from Mandalay to Shwebo. There 
he was soon joined by the men of Tabayin, Pyinsala, and Tanta- 
bin, all of which were towns which belonged to the Eiugshemin. 
Fighting men from a number of other towns and villages also joined 
the Padeing Prince, who soon collected in this way quite a formid- 
able body of men. When the King got news of this he sent the late 
Crown Prince's Afmntvnus Maung Pi!: and Maung Hman, besides 
his own olhcers, the Kyiicun and the Thitta7vicuni^v\^ a number of 
pongyis to the Padeing Prince at Shwebo to persuade him to come 
back to Mandalay. The King promised to protect him and 10 look 
upnn him exactly as he had hitherto done. The Prince, however, 
refused to listen to them and the party came back unsuccessful to 
Mandalay. The Prince on his side organized his troops and put the 
Tabayin H'/zw, Maung Hman, an official in whom the Eingshemin 
had had great confidence, in command of them. He also appointed 
as chief /^t?.j the Pyinsala Wun, Maung Aung Myat, the Tabayiw 
Sikke^ Maung On, and Maung Hpo Maung, a noted fighting man. 
Before long, Maung Hman marched his force from Shwebo and 
camped at Sheinmaga. Maung Aung Myat with another party 
crossed the river and advanced as far as Madaya, Taungykyun, and 
Kapaing, 6 miles north of Mandalay. Maung On with his party 
camped at Mingun, while Maung Hpo Maung, with his troops, 
made his way to Sagalng and Ava. A further contingent from 
Taungdwingyi, Pagan, and Sale towns, which had also belonged to 
the Crown Prince, came and joined him and marched as far as Palcik, 
9 miles south of Mandalay. The King's forces were at first driven 
back and the city was nearly surrounded by the rebels. The King 




«a& both disheartened and alarmed and privately suggested lo the 
chief Quren that it would be better to surrender the throne volun- 
tarily (o the Padeing Prince and leave the palace with all his fumilVr 
ratho- than be compelhjd to do so by force of arms. The Que'^n, 
however, was strongly ag.itnst this and urged him to fight on. She 
was considered the most skilful astrologtrin the Royal Family and 
maintalr>ed that her calculations proved that the King would neither 
be disgraced nur dethroned, but would overcome his enemies, if <nily 
he persuaded his officers tn attack the Padeing Prince energetically. 
The Altnandaw, the Myauknandaw. and Ihe Anauknandaw Queen-i 
united their learii and supplications to those of the chief Queen until 
His Majesty gave way and sent his son, the Thfinze Prince, lo Ava, 
the Mefckhara Prince to Paleik.and the Nyaung Yan Prince to take 
command on the nver-bank near Sagamg. The Yenang:y*auug 
Ahvinwun was appointed Wungyi and despatched by steamer with 
a thousand men to the upper provinces, while the Shwebo IVttn Bo 
Pym was appointed Ashtrwinhmu and sent to Madaya. and the 
Paungdawpyet Bo, known a** 80 Ma Nga, with the title of xWvaui- 
Tvinhmu, was sent to assist the Nyaung Yan Prince in the ntlack on 
Sagaing. The arrangements proved sulficlcnt. The Padeings 
men at first fought well, bui were everywhere defeated They were 
short of arms and ammunition, they haled their leaders who had 
been very strict in their discipline, and before long they commenced 
to desert in large numbers. In a short lime the Padeing Prince 
was left almost alone and wandered about from place to place. 
practically without a following ; eventually he was captured by a party 
under the Myadaung IVumX Thaputdaw Chaukywa in the Sagaing 
district and handed over to the Nyaung Yan Prince who commanded 
in Sagaing. The Nyaung Yan Prince treated him well and sent 
him to Mandalay as a Slate prisoner. On the conclusion of hostili- 
rit^s the King named Ava Anngniyctlmsi (the pleasant ground of 
victorv) to conimeii'.orate th<- chief success of the civil war. 
♦ The Padeing Prince was kept in confinement for some months 
and was then put to death by the Hlutdaw, without the knowledge 
of the King, as it was said he was concerting a new rising with his 
sister, the Yanaungmyin Princess. 

Two days after the murder of the Eingshrmin and the three 
Princes, his nephews, their remains were embalmed and laid out in 
slate. The body of the Crown Prince was placed in the main room 
of the temporary palace and was canopied by four white umbrellas. 
His insignia and Court dresses were also laid out beside the corpse. 
The remains of the MalAn Prince and his brother, the Pyinsi Prince, 
lay in the house of their mother, the Myauksaungdaw Queen. 
The Sagu Prince's body was placed in the house of his mother, the 


.. 1 1.1 



Taimgsaungdaw, in the compound of the temporary palace. The 
body nf each Prince lay bent ath two white umbrellas And their 
State dresses and badges of rank were also displayed, according to 
ancient rites and custom. After the bodies had lain thus (or nearly 
a year, the temporary palace and its amiexures were pulled down 
and the four prince^i were buried on the site of the main chamber 
of the temporary palace. A large mausoleum was built over their 
graves and an image called Sanlamuni nas brought Irom Amara- 
pura and set up hard by, and the whole was surrounded by brick 
walls. An inscription was also added on the 22nd June 1867 (6th 
lahyigyaw of Nayon 1229 B.E.). 

In November 1866 the British Envoy, Colonel Phayre, again came 
up to Mandalay to negotiate a commercial treaty. He was kindly 
received by the Kmg, but His Majtsty would not agree to any 
treaty on account of the unsettled slate of the country. Colonel 
Phayre therefore soon left Mandalay, as the Burmnn chronicler 
says, " with much dissatisfaction." 

In the same month all the arms in the country from every town 
and village were collected and sent to the Hlutdaw. There they 
were numbered and the quantities necessary for the defence of towns 
and districts were made up and issued to the U'unS and other local 
officials who were made responsible for them. 

In April 1867, a fire broke out north of the S-weditiosm the 
building in which the sacred tooth of Buddah was kept. The fire 
was quite close 10 the palace and the King was greatly alarmed. 
It was, however, soon extinguished by the troops and officials who 
hurried to the spot. All those officials who had not reported them- 
selves at the palace on the occasion of this fire were spread-eagled 
in the sun near the Civil and Police Courts, according to the custom 
in such cases. [This was due to the fact that a rebellion was usually 
signalled by a fire and all persons of importance were required to 
prove their loyalty by going immediately to the palace. The result 
usually was that fires which inl.i^ht have btvn readily got under if 
taken in time were often neglected until they become quite un- 

In July the Mahadan IVun, N'cmyoyazathiba, and the Yenatha 
Myook, Minhla-mindin-kyawgaung, were sent to Singu to explore 
some mines, said to have been discovered there. They were suc- 
cessful in finding at Sagylntaung in the Singu district 86 very fine 
rubies and fifty "of the ordinary colour" (possibly spinel or balas- 
rubies). These were taken to Mandalay and the King was greatly 
pleased with them. Experts valued them as quite equal to those 
of Mogok. The explorers and the men who dug out the rubies 



were liberally rewarded and rejOJl^r niin'mtj was thenceforward 
carried on by men locally hired for the purpose. Sagyintaun^ was 
now re-named by the King Baddamyataung (the ruby hill). 

In the same month the Chfcbin Prince, Thadopyinyagyan ; the 
Pinle Prince, Thadominsaw ; ihe Shwegu Prince. Pyinyalaw ; the 
Mainglon Prince, Thadorai^ycmin^aupg ; the Yenaung Prince Thado- 
pyinyalaw; the Katha Prince, Thadominbya; and the Htilin Prince, 
Minyfethu, entered the sacred order as postulants, and plentiful 
offerings were given to the sadatcs and nmnks, and numerous 
^wds were given according to custom. 

In March a letter had been received from the Governor-General 
of India regarding the conclusion of a commercial treaty. This was 
treated with the most notable regard by the King and shortly after- 
wards the envoys appointed left Rangoon. These were Colonel 
Albert Fytche, the Chief Commissioner, Captain Duncan, Inspector- 
General of Police, Mr. Edwards, Collector of Customs, and the 
Reverend H. W. Crofton, together with a number of officers in charge 
of the escort. They left Rangoon on the 20th September 1867 by 
the steamers Nemesis and Colo7iel Phayre-And the King despatched 
iVundauk U Pe, the Singu /f ««, and the Padein IVun to Minhia to 
meet them and to procure whatever supplies they might want on 
the way up. The mission reached Minhia on the syih September 
and was received with suitable honours. The journey was resumed 
next day and at all the halting places on the way up p-wh were 
given for their entertainment. On the 7th October Captain Sladen, 
the Political Agent at Mandalay, with Mr. Manook, the Kala-amity 
and the Hpaung Wun, went down with a number of war-boats and 
met the Nemesis at Kyauktalon and went on board of her, and at 
3 o'clock the same afternoon the whole parly reached Mandalay. 
The following day a deputation from the King, the Yenangyaung 
Wungyit the Kintvundauk^ and other officials went on board the 
steamer and formally welcomed the mission to Mandalay. On the 
9th the Envoy was conducted in procession from the steamer to the 
Residency, and on his arrival there the Yenangyaung iVungyi and 
a number of other officials paid a ceremonial visit. At teno' clock on 
the morning of the 1 1 th, according to arrangement, the Envoy and his 
suit proceeded to the palace, riding on elephants and escorted by nu- 
merous officials. They dismounted at the eastern gate of the palace 
and walked to the flluidau\ or Supreme Court, where they were met 
by the Pakhan and Yenangyaung Wungyis, with whom they shook 
hands, and were then led to the Myenan, the Hall of Audience. 
Thence they went on to the Zadawun Saung reception room, 
where the King met them in state and sealed himself on a golden 



couch; near him sat his sons the Thonzfe, Mekkhara, and Nyaung 
Van Princes, besides a nuniber of the younger Minihas and the 
whole body of the Minislers of Slate. The King opened the conver- 
salidn in ihe customary way by enquiring afler the health of the 
Envoy and his party and the details of the voyage. Then the list 
of presents from the Viceroy to the King was read aloud and after 
A httle conversation the Envoy was invested with a gold salwi' of 
the highest grade. Colonel Fytche made a suitable reply and the 
King then retired. A number of cakes and sweetmeats were then 
handed round and after a short lime the parly left. 

On the I4lh October Mrs. Kytche and Mrs. Lloyd had an 
interview with the Nammadawpaya, the chief Queen, the Alenan- 
daw, the Myauknandaw, and the Anauknandaw Queens in their 
rooms in the palace. 

On the 19th of the month Colonel Kytche, accomi^anled by 
Captain Sladen, Captain Duncan, and Mr. Edwards, had a private 
audience. They were received by the King in a sumnter-house in 
the southern garden and there were present the Yaw Aiwinieun 
the P6ppa Wundauk, Atroiwwundauk^ and the Kaiauuin, After 
some general conversation the King retired, and the Chief Com- 
missioner, CaplHin Diincan, and Mr. Edwards visited the IVnttgyts 
in succession : first the Laungshe Wungyi, then the Venangyaung 
(Fmh^^i, and then the Pakhan Wungyi. On I he 2 1st October Colonel 
Fytche, Captain Sladen, Captain Duncan and Mr. Edwards again 
visited the Pakhan IVuttgyi ior the purpose of discussing the clauses 
of the treatv. The Kin Wundauk, the KaiaicuH. Mr. Manook, 
and minor officers were present to take notes of the discussion. Next 
day the Pakhan Wungyi and the Kin Wundaak visited the Chief 
Commissioner and on the 23rd the entire mission visited the palace 
on the invitation of the King to see a sort of amateur ballet, per- 
formed by the young ladies of the households attached to the 
different queens. The performance was considered to be one of the 
best ever seen in the palace. When the King left, the mission was 
served with fruit and sweetmeats in an arbour in the garden and 
then paid a visit to the royal white elephant. They then went on 
to see the stone masons busily engaged in engraving on stone the 
whole body of the Bitaghat, the Three Baskets of the Law. The 
mint was next visited and then the bulk of the party returned to 
the Agency-, while Colonel Fytche, Captains Sladen and Duncan, 
and Mr. Edwards again went to the Pakhan Wungyi's to settle 
points in the treaty. 

Finally, on the 251 h October, the entire mission went in formal 
procession to pay a farewell visit to the King, The order and 



arrangements were the same as on the first occasion The party 
\sas nitt at liie Hiiifdaiv by ihu F-'akhan Wuugyi, the Nemmgyaung 
IVungyi, the Kin IVumiaHk, the Kalawnn, Mr. Manook, and numer- 
ous other officials and secretaries. The treaty in English and 
Burmese was productd and read aloud by the Padeing \\ un and 
was then signed and sealed by Colonel Fytche on the one part and 
the Pakhan Wungyi on ihe other. After the signing of the treaty 
ihe mission party was conducted into ihe palace and received in 
the same room as on the first interview. The King had some 
conversation with the Envoy and then made presents to the entire 
pariy, valuable ruby rings, gold cups, and other mementoes. When 
the King retired the Envoy and the officers of his suite went to the 
Royal garden and were ihiare regaled with sweetmeats and then 
went on to lunch al the liouse of Mr. Manook, ilic Kalaiaun^ Mr. 
Manook had been most energetic in his attention to the comfort 
of the mission during its stay. In recognition of this Colonel 
Fytche afterwards presented him, through Captain Sladen, the 
Resident in Mandalay, with a gold watch, on which was an inscrip- 
tion recognizing the services rendered by Mr. Manook during the 
negotiation of the treaty, with the date 25th October 1867. 

On the 28th Oclober the Ministers came in a body to say good- 
bye to Colonel Fytche. and the same afternoon the whole mission 
embarked and the steamers proceeded next morning down the 
river. The P6ppa Wundatik and other officials accompanied the 
party to the frontier to attend to their wants. The Chief Com- 
missioner expressed himself to these officers as much pleased with 
*'the magnificent and honourable reception accorded to him." 

The following December Mr. McCall, the managcrof the firm of 
Messrs. Todd, Findlay and Company, came up to Mandalay and 
presented the King with a number of articles of value. He was 
well received by the King and got as return presents some fine 
ruby rings, a gold cup filled with gold coins, and some silk pasos. 
His Majesty also gave prestnls to the foresters or thitgaungs who 
accompanied Mr. McCall. 

In January 1868 Major E. B. Sladen, the British Resident at 
Mandalay, was desp.itched on a mission to Wt-slern China and 
during his absence the British Residency in Mandalay was under 
ihe efiarge of the Kalawun, Mr. Manook, and all correspondence 
with the Chief Commissioner parsed through his hand. Mr. 
Manook was afterwards formally thanked far his valuable services 
al the Agency. When Major Sladen arrived at a small Kachin 
village, called Ponleng, on the way from Bhamo to Momien, a pri- 
vate order, said to be issued by the IVun of Bhamo, was received 

CHAP. It.] 



by the headman of Ponleng, This order was written on a short 
palm-leaf and simply stated that the Ktilas were not tD be allowed 
to return to Burma. This ducuinent was handed to Maung Mo, 
Captain Sladen's Kachin interpreter, who read it to the mission 
party and then returned it 10 the Kachin headman. Major Sladen 
wrote privately to Mr. Manook, the Kalawun, and asked him to lay 
the matter before the King, which Mr. Manook accordingly did, 
notwithstanding the risk which he thus ran. The King; was much 
annoyed at thts unexpected announcement and said he would recall 
the IVun and have the matter investigated on the return of the 
mission. When Major Sladen returned, the Wnn wa^ in f.ict 
recalled and Mr. Manook was sent by the Kinij to ihe Knglish 
officer to enquire whether he would rather have the Wun intenogat- 
ed by the IVungyis at the Hintdaia in his presence or would prefer to 
investigate the matter hims*^lt at the Residency. Mpjof Sladen 
bluntly replied that he would neither attend any investigation at the 
Hlutdato nor would he interrogate the Wun himself, for he was 
sure that that functionary would not tell the truth. Mr. Manook 
reported this reply to the King and so the matter ended. The 
Bhamo Wun was dismissed from oihce, but five or six montlis later 
he was appointed Governor of Salin. 

In February there was another grand ear-boring ceremony. 
The Royal Princesses whose ears were bored were Supayagyi, Thiri- 
thuyatana-iTiingala Dewi, and Supayalat, Thlri-thupapi>a-yatana 
Dewi, daughters of the Alenandaw Queen ; the Mingin Pnncess, 
Thiri-thuyatana Dewi, daughter of the Magwe Queen ; the Mainglon 
Princess, Thuthiriyatana Dewi, daughter of the .Sapwadaung 
Queen; the Maingkaing Princess, Thuthiri-pappawa Dewi, an elder 
sister of King Thibaw, daughter of the Laungshe Queen; the 
Padeing Princess, Thiriihu-pappaw Dewi, daughter of the Kohnitywa 
Queen ; the Sinyin Princess, Thirithu-raingala Dewi, daughter of 
the Myauksaungdaw Queen ; the Maingnaung Princess, Thuthiri- 
mingala Dewi, daughter of the Magvipinsauk Queen, and the 
Taungpyungyi Pnncess, Thuihiripappa Dewi, daughter of the Let- 
pansin Queen. Besides these, fourteen princesses, daughters of the 
late Ein^sheminy also had their ears bored. The ceremony was 
carried out in the Hmattnandaw and was conducted with the usual 
pomp and customary regard for the respective rank and dignity of 
the ladies. Large offerings were as usual made to the monks, and 
the King himself a month before the event made presents to the 
Queens, Princes, Princesses, Ministers, subordinate officials, and 
the people of the capital in general, as he had done two years 
before on the occasion of the ear-boring of his favourite daughter, 
the Salin Princess. 



Copies of the Biloghat had been preserved in the Bitaghat tnik 
at the foot of the Mandnlay hill some time before, on the occasion 
of the setting up of thu great marbles Buddha. Since then stone 
carvers had been at work engraving the text of the books of the Law 
contained in (he Suftam ifinaya and Abkidhatmna on 7;^o marble 
slabs, and these were now mounted round the Maha Lawkamasin 
(Loka Marazin) pagoda, each slab in a shrine or grotto of its own. 
This Avas in December i86S. The King had expressed his desire 
of ensuring the maintenance of the Buddhist religion during the 
next 5,000 years, and this meritorious work, the like of which no 
King had ever before attempted, was his mode of securing an exact 
text of the law. The marble slabs had been br(mght from the same 
Sagyintaung quarry where the block for the huge image was hewn 
out. Fifty sculptors were employed in copying the text, and the 
accuracy of this was certified by tlie most learned sudrnvs and of- 
ficials in the royal city. The work had extended over a period of five 
years. [The Maha I-awka Marazuin pagoda is noiv populariy known 
as the Kulhodaw, the Royal Merit pagoda,] In accordance with 
the treaty of 1867 the Mixed Court was established and opened on 
the 1st August 1868. Major, afterwards Sir Edward Boscawen 
Sladen, on the part of the British Government and Mr. Manook, 
the Kaia-wun, on the part of the King, were appointed the fiist Judges 
of this Court, and on the departure of Major Sladen on furlough his 
place was taken by Captain Strover, who ofiiciaied as Political Agent 
until the arrival of Major R. A. Macmahon in November, when 
Captain Strover left for Bhamo as the first Political Agent in that 
town. He was accompanied by Major Macmahon and they as- 
cended the river in a small steamer, the Colonel Fytche^ connnand- 
ed by Captain Bacon. This was the first steamer to make the 
passage from Mandalay to Bhamo. Mr. Manook accompanied the 
party. Major Macmahon returned to Mandalay after a stay of 
only a few days, but Mr. Maiiook remained with Captain Strover. 
The Governor of Bhamo at first obstructed and opposed all lh« 
views of the Political .Assistant, bm he was checked and warned by 
Mr. Manook, who was afterwards warmly thanked for his services. 
[Mr. Manook would appear to have been a personal friend of the 
Burnian annalist from the frequent laudatory references made to 

In 1870 a telegraphic line from Mandalay to the British frontier 
was nearly finished. 

In June of that year, by order of the King, the Daing Wnn^ Maha- 
mingyaung-ihinhkaya, repaired the Shweta chaung as far as Nan- 
dakan, a quarter in the royal city. 

CHAP. M.] 



In July four large buildings were erected in the palace to serve 
as offices for the Public Works, Police, Agricultural, and Financial 
Departments, The chief of the Public Works Department was 
the Khampat li'^un^yi\ Thadomingyi-thirimaha-mingyaung-uzana. 
Under him were the Poppa Wundauky Mingyi-mahaminhla-min- 
gyaung, the Bhamo Wundauk, Mingyi-mahamingyaung-kyawswa, 
and the Thandawzin Minhla-ihinkaya. The Police office was in 
charge of the Myotha Afyawun, Mingyi-mahamingyaung.ih6nyain|j, 
with the Kinwundnuk, Min^yi-mahasithu, and the Thandawzin 
Kathc Myinwan, MahaminJinyaza. The Department of Agri- 
culture was put in the hands of the Kani Af'tvinivun, Mingyi-maha- 
mingyaung-lhinkaya, with theTHeinni ff'w«(/(7«^, Mingyi-mahamin- 
gyaung-kyawdin. The portfolio of finance was given to the Pagan 
I'Vundauk, Mingyi-mahayaza-thinyin, with the Thandawzin Min- 
gala Myivnun, Maha-minhla-sithu. The whole control of each 
department was placed in the hands of these officers. 

In SKptember the chief Queen of King Tharrawaddi, the motlier 
of the Pagan Min, died and there was an enormons concourse of 
people at her cremation within the precincts of the palace. The 
tuneral pyre was erected on the glacis north of the Hlulda-w; 
numerous officials attended until the incineration was completed* 
The bones were then gathered and washed with cocoanut-waier, 
rose-water, and other sweet-smelling essences and were placed in a 
golden pot, held by a specially selected man. The golden urn 
was then deposited in a State palanquin, and this was carried in state, 
shaded by four white umbrellas, to the Irrawaddy, where the cine- 
rary urn was thrown into the river, according to the rites proper 
for the occasion. A cenotaph was erected over the site of the 
funeral pyre, which exists to the present day. 

The Magwe Queen had always been on bad terms with the 
Al^nandaw Queen and quarrels were constant between them. At 
last in October of this year the Magwe Queen addressed the King 
and said that she feared the Alfenandaw Queen would poison His 
Majesty's mind against her and bring about her ruin. She there- 
fore begged that she might be allowed to leave the place and live 
with a man whom she loved, rather than remain in the place and be 
constantly nagged at and abused, The King was very angry at 
first, but he controlled his temper and gave permission to the 
Queen to leave the place and go to live with the rival in his affec- 
tions. All the. Queen's property, however, was seized and given to 
her two daughters, the Mingin Princess and the Taungdwingyaung 
Princess. When the Myotha Myoivun, who was Governor of 
Mandalay, heard of this, he seized the Queen's leman, and would 



have put him to death, but the King interfered and said the matter 
concerned him alone. He had forbome and forgiven and it was for 
no one else to judge the matter. The two therefore lived together 

In 1871, commencing from the month of April, a great meeting 
was convened in the Myenan numbering 2.400 learned s/tyadtitcs 
and pdngyis. Under the presidency of the King they recited and 
rehearsed the Bifaghat Thonhoji, thn Three Baskets of the Law, the 
communications of the Lord Buddha. The rehearsal occupied 
nearly five months and His Majesty feasted the holy men all this 
time. For this reason Mlndon Min was henceforward called 
Pyinsama Thinktiya-naiin {or thin), the fifih King who rehearsed 
the I-aw of the Buddha, the Convenor of the Fifth Great Synod. 
He was the only King in modern times who observed this pious cere- 
mony, and there were only four Kings before him. since the death of 
Shin Gautama, who had gone through this edifying and devout rite. 
The King's four predecissor.s were — 

(i) Aratathat, the King of Yazagyo, who was the first who 
convened such a synod. Four months after the death 
of Shin Gautama, he with the chief rahav, Shin 
Mahakaihapa, and 500 rahans read over the holy books 
at the mouth of a cave called Sayapinyaukyahlaing 
Ku. The King therefore received the title of Patama 

(2) The next was Kalathawka. Lord of Wethali. The 
chief rahan, Maharaiha, with 700 rahans, performed 
the same ceremony throughout a period of eight months 
at the Walokarama kyamig, 100 years after the death 
of the Buddha. This King is therefore known as 
Dutt'va Thinkaya-nathin, the convenor of the Second 
Great Synod. 

(3) The great King Thiridhammathawka, ruler of Patalipok, 
was the Tatiyt Thinkaya-nathin. (/'ne thousand ra- 
hans, with Shin Maukkalan as their choragos, during a 
period of nine months intoned the sacred precepts at 
Atthaw Karama kyaung. This was 336 years after 
Gautama had entered into rest. 

{4) The fourth was Wattaltamani, King of Thiho (Ceylon). 
The chief rahon, Shin Maheinda, with 500 monks, 
his companions, chaunted the volumes of the tiUaghat 
455 years after the Buddha had attained Neikban. 
This King therefore is known as Sadotta Thinkaya' 

CHAP. 11, J 


There was then no repetition of the pious rile until the time of 
King Miiidon, foumler of Ratanapong (ihe Royal City of Gems) 
and the number of holy men who attended the synod was nearly 
equal to the congregations of his four predecessors taken together, 
There had b«en no such function for nearly 2,000 years, for His 
Majesty's synod was held in the year of religion 2414. He is there- 
fore worthy of greater esteem than any of those that went before 

In November the King sent the Yaw Aiwinwun, Mingyl Minhla- 
mahasithu, to Salin to repair an old pagoda there, which had been 
erected by Kyawswa Min, the King of Pagan, in former days. He 
had no sooner left Mandalay than his enemies calumniated him to 
the King. They said the At-u'tn-wnn was in the habit of saying 
openly that he saw no harm in drinkin:^ liquor, and that he actually 
did drink himself and often spoke against the King in his cups. 
The King was very angry and sent off the Amyauhvun, Mahamin- 
gaung Nawrata, to arrest the Aiwinwitu. This was done at Myin- 
gyan and the Atinittjijun was brought back to Mandalay as a 
prisoner. The King, without any enquiry or investigation what- 
ever, dismissed the Atwimviitt from his offices and confined him 
in .-Vmarapura for a long time Eventually he relented, or was 
persuaded that the charges were not iruc, and appointed the un- 
fortunate official to his former rank as Shwepyi Atmnivun. [This 
olTicial, however, seems to have been very unguarded in what he 
said, for there is a note to the effect that in 1878, on the accession 
of King Thibaw, the Shwt-pyi At7vtnwun became Magwe Mingyi 
with the presidency of a sort of council, which was supposed to ad- 
minister the country in " European fashion," and in particular held 
charge of the treasury. The King received money on his note of 
hand, but he sent so often that one day the Magwe Mingyi (he is 
mysteriously called the " witty " minister) told the man, who came 
with a large demand for His NIa'jeity, that the young King was very 
extravagant and should remember that nimicy was not to be ob- 
tained for nothing, but was wrung out of hardworking cultivators, 
and should not be squandered as if it were sand or stones. (There 
seems more morality and sense in this than "wit," cm: wisdom 
either, considering the circumstances). The lale was carried lo the 
King and Supayalat, and the Wungyi^^s deprived of all office only 
four months after his accession to rank. The Yenangyaung Wiin- 
gyi was dismissed on the same day and the two were imprisoned 
in the south garden of the palace. Curiously enoui^h these two 
men Maung Po Hlaing (Magwe) and Maung So (Yenangyaung) 
were the two who persuaded Mindon Mln, when he was at Shwebo, 
not to retreat on Manipur, but lo fight where he was. Maung Po 



HIaing's father was Yindaw Wungyi in Klni; Tharrawaddi's lime, 
and was noted as a learned and able minister. He was a great 
Sanskrit scholar and was much liked by the foreigners who came 
to Tharrawaddi's Court.] 

In March 1872, an Embassy was despatched to the Court of St. 
James's with letters and presents to the Queen. The members 
were the Kin IVundauk, now appointed iVungyt, Mingyi Maha- 
siihu, and chief of the Embassy, the Patin Wun, Mahamingaung- 
sithu, and the Pangyet iVun, Mahazeyananda Kyawtin, with equal 
powers under him and now created IVundauk, and Sayegyi, Ma- 
haminhlazeyathu, as Secretary to the Mission. The King had 
been ill-advised by his Ministers and had not given formal notice 
of his intention of'^ sending such - party to the Political Agent or 
to the English Government. In consequence of this irregularity, 
the Envoy was afraid that he might not be properly received m 
London and therefore first of all visited the Courts of Italy and 
France. They were honourably received in both countries and 
then went on to London, where they were magnificently received 
by Her Majesty the Queen and the Court. The Embassy after 
presenting their letters and gifts visited many places of interest in 
England and then returned with much joy and satisfaction and 
went back by way of Paris. There a commercial treaty was con- 
cluded, according to the terms of which French subjects were 
granted permission to work mines for minerals and precious stones 
in Burma without let or hindrance. The Embassy then returned 
to Mandalay and the Kinwun Mingyi recounted what had been 
done. The King was much displeased with the clause of the 
treaty authorizing the working of mines for precious stones by the 
French, and said the Ambassador had no authority to agree to any 
such concession. His Majesty held up in his hand one of the 
most valued of the crown jewels, a ruby ring known as Nga Mauk, 
and asked the assembled courtiers what its value might be. They 
bowed their heads to the ground and said no such jewel could be 
found anywhere in the world. No value could therefore be set on 
it. It was priceless, inestimable, inimitable. The King then, 
holding the jewel aloft, said; "If this one ruby be so inestimable 
" how many such priceless stones are there to be found in our ruby 
" mines ! Moreover, there is no country in all the world which pro- 
" duces rubies such as ours. Are we then to resign our pride in 
" this possession and let foreigners work our mines ? The treaty is 
" not ratified." 

[The ruby ring, Nga Mauk, was only worn by the Kings of Bur- 
ma on ceremonial occasions, such as the reception of Ambassadors 
from foreign countries, or at great festivals.] 




About this time a Shan Amat of Theinni (Hsen Wi) named 
Shin He (Hsan^ Hai) left Hsen Wi tow^l and gathered under him 
a number of wild Kachins and committed many depredations on 
the Theinni frontier. The Bhaino IVnm/auk, Mingyi Maha-min- 

faung-zeyathu, was despatched with 3,000 troops to suppress him. 
here was a fight and Hsang Hai and his Kachins took to flight. 
[Hsang Hai, however, gave a great deal of trouble afterwards and 
led to the break up of the Hsen Wi State with disturbances which 
lasted until the country was occupied by British troops.] 

On the 1 8th of April there was an exceedingly violent storm in 
Mandalay, with thunder and lightning, heavy rain, and fierce gusts 
of wind. Four persons were struck by lightning and killed. The 
like had never been known in the royal city before. I hree men 
were killed by lightning in the Natso-lfetvvt; quarter on the north of 
the city and one in the Dawe quarter to the south of the palace. 

On the 24th of the same month letters from Her Majesty the 
Queen of England, the Prime Minister, and the Viceroy of India 
were brought np to Mandalay by Colonel Horace Browne, the 
Deputy Commissioner of Thayetmyo.and most honourably received 
by the King in full audience. The letters were read aloud by a 
Tkandawsin^ and the King, according to custom, had some con- 
versation with the officers of Colonel Horace Browne's party and 
expressed himself highly pleased with the letters. After he had 
retired the British Officers had refreshments of the usual kind 
served up to them and then returned to the Residency. 

The Myauknandaw Queen after her return from a visit to 
worship at the Arakan pagoda was seized with an attack of in- 
fluenza and, though she was attended by the most skilful of the 
Court physicans, failed to recover and died on the 3rd May. Hers 
was the lirst case of influenza known in Mandalay, or rather the 
first fatal case. This Queen was the daughter of a Myothitgyi 
and was taken by King Mind6n as his first wife, while vet he was 
only a Prince. She h;id very great influence over the King and 
continued to rank as his second wife after his marriage with the 
chief Queen, the Nammadawpaya, who according to rule was of 
the royal house (she was Mindcm's half-sister). Before her death 
the Myauknandaw specially requested that her remains might be 
buried instead of being burnt according to custom. A grave was 
therefore prepared for her in the north garden of the palace and 
she was entombed with great ceremony and a mausoleum with a 
spire was erected over the spot. This, however, was pulled down 
and utterly destroyed when King Thibaw ascended the throne, and 
the Queen's remains were carried away and thrown into the com- 



mon burying-ground. This desecration was said to be due to 
Queen SupayalHt,who declared thai ihe Myauknandaw Queen was 
nol of royal blood and tlierefore nnt wortliy to be buried wiihin the 
limits of the palace. The true reason, however, was probably the 
hatred which Supayalat's mother, the Al^nandaw Queen, bore to 
the deceased, her superior In the palace, tliough her inferior in 

In the same month of May 1S72 the Mckkhara Prince, Thado- 
tliudhamma mahadhammayaza, was appi'inlt_d to the charge of the 
engineering works and factories in Mandalay, with a number of 
officials under his orders. 

In July five Princes, the sons of the King, and 15 Princes, the 
sons of the late £ingshemin, assumed the yellow robe and remain- 
ed throughout Lent in the monastery of tlie Tkathanabaing^ the 
Superior of the Order. His kyaung lay to the east of the city. 

From the ist December of this year the King commenced 
a monthly dole to the heads of every monastery in Mandalay. 
The offerings seni were a basket of the best rice, five parabaiks 
(note-books), five pencils (of steatite for writing in these black 
scroll-books), 1 viss of ghee, 1 viss of honey, i viss of oil, and 1 
viss of molas?es, to each siidav.' or pongyi who officiated as abbot. 
The heads of kyauvgs sent in return their benedictions formally 
written out on palm-leaves. These bemsons were all formally 
rpcited by the Thandawsin every evening before the audience 
which was held daily. 

About the end of the year an Italian Envoy came to Mandalay 
and \ras honourably received and the treaty, which had been nego- 
ciated nearly two years before, was formally ratified. 

At neariy the same time a portrait of Her Majesty the Queen 
was delivered to Mind6n Min and was treated with the greatest 
possible honour and respect. 

In April 1873 the Kyabin Prince, son of the Limban Queen was 
marriea to the Kulywa Minthami, daughter of the Samakon 
Queen. He went mad shortly after liis marriage, but this calamity, 
otherwise to be deplored, was the means of saving his life in 1879, 
when Kin^ Thibaw put the other Princes and Princesses to death. 

In June 1873 a Chinaman named Li-si-tal, who styled himself 
an imperial officer, came to Mandalay and had an interview with 
the King. He represented that the Panthays {Huitsu) had rebelled 
against the Udibu^a and had destroyed much of the country in 
\\estern China. Li-si-tai said that he had spent all that he 
possessed in warring against these rebels, and added that it would 
be a gracious token of His Majesty's affection for, and alliance with 




the Emperor of China if some 20,000 or 30,000 viss of cotton then 
lying at Bhamo were presented to him, Li-si-tai, to enable him to 
resume the struggle against the marauding Panthays. The King 
was fully persuaded that Li-si-tai was in reality a Mandarin of the 
Middle Kingdom and gave him 20,000 viss of the royal cotton 
stored at Bhamo. Li-si-tai was in actual fact "an audacious and 
arrogant robber chief," who made a living by plundering caravans 
between Bhamo and Moniein (T'^ng-yiieh). This present from iho 
King, however, apparently improved his mode of life. He joined 
the Chinese army, really did fight the Panthays, and in the end was 
decorated by the Chinese authoriiies. [Li-si-tai was the man who 
is believed to have been the chief agent in the murder ol Augustus 
Raymond Margary] 

In June also some sayadaws and pongyis, tired of the re- 
straints of the monastic life, put off their yi'llow robi*s and became 
laymen. The King had them assembled together and appointed 
Ihem to posts in different districts and towns according In their 
abilities. Each man had a fixed salary and ihey were styled 
Lupyandaw on account of the interest the King had taken in them, 
instead of the usual opprobrious lutwet. 

In November 1873, the Pakhan fKM«^;vi*Thadomingyi-minh*a- 
sithu, the Chief Minister of the Council and the signatdry nn the 
part of Burma of the Commercial Treaty of 1867, died much 
regretted by both the King and every one who had known him. 

In December a man named Maung Ye, who had been a salt- 
boiler in Pegu, came up to Mandalay and attempted to make his 
way into the palace through the Tttga ni, ihe main gate. The 
officer in charge of the i^ate seized hold of him, for the Tnga-ni 
could only be used by the Royal hamily, the Ministers of State, and 
Foreign Ambassadors. Maung Ye, however, boldly ani.ounced to 
the Bo that he came by the orders of the iVaga Afin, the Dragon 
King, who had heard of the piety and power of the Burmese 
King and wished to come and serve him. Tne A'agn Min, however, 
was a sea dragon and could not live on dry land. He had therefore 
despatched Maung Ye as his forerunner to charge the King to 
build a large tank and fill it with water so that the Naga Min might 
have a dwelling-place. The Naga Min^ Maung Ye said, would 
make his appearance in Mandalay in a month's time. The Taga-tti 
Bo reported all this to King Mindon, who ordered ihat Maung Ye 
should be brought before him immediately. Maung Ye's petition 
was formally read to His Majesty and after a few questions the King 
loaded the impostor with presents and gave orders for tlie construc- 
tion of a large tank at the foot of Mandalay hill with a plentiful 



supply of water for the Naga Min. When the tank was finished 
the shameless Maung Ye announced that the vapourous outline of 
the Naga Min would be seen hovering over the Mycnanpyathat 
(the main spire of the palace) and tiic residence of the chief Queen. 
Accordinijly one night the watchers declared ihey saw a brilliant 
glow on these buildings, it was believed that Maung Ye had really 
produced some illusion by black arts, or by some trick learnt in his 
trade of panning out salt. However that may be, he lost none of his 
audacity and had the effrontery to address another petition to the 
King to the effect that, if His Majesty wished to inteniew or make 
use of the Naga Min, he had only to go to the tank and stamp ihrice 
on the ground with his royal reet and say " Naga, come forth." 
This, however, Mindon Min refused to do and probably began to 
suspect the deceit that had been put upon him. Nevertheless, he 
allowed the mysterious legend to be put aboul among his subjects, 
so that they might be led (o believe that he was like the great and 
glorious kings of old, of whom it is fabled that their power was so 
world compelling that even the Nagas were unable to stay in their 
own places, but were forced to come and do the royal behests. 
This, he thought, would in after years be told of him also and his 
name be made famous in history. 

On the ist January 1874 an Envoy from the French Re}mblic, 
who had arrived a few days before, was received in audience by the 
King. After the usual complimentary conversation the Envoy said 
he had come to obtain the ratification of the treaty concluded by 
the Kinicun Mingyi in Paris on behalf of the Burmese Government. 
The King said he could not sign that treaty and in his turn called 
upon the French Envoy to sign the amended treaty drawn up in 
Mandalay, which omitted the right granted to French subjects to 
work the ruby mines in Burma. The Envoy said that he could 
not do this, for he was only empowered by his Government to sign 
the treaty as it was drawn up in Paris. Not many days afterwards 
he left Mandalay "with great disappointment." 

The Kin-mun Mingyi followed him before long to Paris with the 
treaty as amended by the King. The French Government, however, 
were no less unwilling to give way than His Majesty and after a 
short time the Kitiivun Mingyi was informed that the Government 
of France had much business on hand and could not enter upon 
a new treaty. So the Mingyi returned to Mandalay without effect- 
ing anything. 

In June the King and the chief Queen in their State robes pro- 
ceeded to make the circuit of the moat round the city walls seated 
in a State barge, called Karawaik Paungdaw. They were followed 




by all the Queens. Princes, and Princesses and the entire body of 
officials in a procession of boats. In this way the King took pos- 
session of the now completed city of Ratanapong (the Royal City 
of Gems)j or Mandalay, and the city was formally blessed by the 
ponnaz (Brahmins) according to ancient custom. The King and 
the chief Queen assumed new titles, and new titles were also 
conferred upon all the Queens, Princes, Princesses, and officials. 

After the Myingon Prince's rebellion in 1866 the King had issued 
an order that no officials whatsoever should serve or visit any of the 
Royal Princes without special permission, under penalty of the 
royal displeasure. About this lime, however, a man named Maung 
Gyl, Amyin Myook, went to the Mekkhara Prince's residence and 
received from him as presents some waist-cloths and turbans. 
Maung Gyi afterwards showed these with great pride to his father- 
in-law the Alon Wun, MIngyi-mahathaman-nayan. The Wun was 
very far from being pleased and said that, if it were known that 
Maung Gyi had accepted these gifts from the Prince, he, the Wun 
himself, would also get into serious trouble. He therefore carried 
\.\\^ pasQs and gaungbaungs straight off to the King and told him 
the whole story. The King praised him for his fidelity and loyalty 
and conferred a higher title upon him. that of Afingyi Mahathet- 
da-<vsht', which is especially reserved for the officials in whom the 
King has complete confidence. The title carries with it a guarantee 
that its bearer shall never be put to death, no matter what crime 
he may cominil. As for Maung Gyi, he was sent a prisoner to 
Mogaun^ (the Burmese Siberia, like the Chinese Mongolia or 
Turkestan) . The Mekkhara Prince's fault was overlooked on 
account of the signal services which he had rendered in the 1866 

In August of this year there was a scarcity of food in the north- 
ern district about Thtnkadaw and Sampenago, and the people were 
reduced to live on roots and jungle herbs. The King sent two 
steamers loaded with rice to their relief. Part of the rice was sold 
at a merely nominal rate and much was given away gratuitously to 
those who had no money to buy it. 

On the 6th February 1875 a mission composed of the U'undauk 
Mingyi-mahaminhla-yazathu, ih^. Sayegyi Nemyo-mintin-sithu, and 
the Akmaya Nemyo-mintin-kvawgaung was despatched to the 
Viceroy and Governor-General of India to discuss the settlement of 
the Karenni boundary, and the question was finally settled in Man- 
dalay between the Burmese Government and Sir Douglas Forsyth, 
the emissary of the Viceroy, " and the Karenni were secured against 

foreign aggression." 



About this time the King noted that the inscriptions set up at 
the most famous pagodas in the country were being effaced by age 
and exposure lo the weather. He therefore ordered copies to be 
engraved on marble slabs so that they might last for ever. These 
marble slabs were then stored in a chamber built of brick at the 
Arakan pagoda. They were ^i in number. 

In December there was another great ear-boring festival, held in 
the Hmannandaw. The Princes and Princesses, children of the 
King, whose ears were bored were the following: Supayagale, Thiri- 
thu-lheinkha-yatana Oewi, the younger sister of Supayalat, King 
Thibaw's queen ; the Pyinsi Princess, Thupaha Dewi ; the Pyaung 
Pyi Princess, Thirithu yuza Dewi, younger sister of King Thibaw ; 
the Mohnyin Princess. Thirikinzana Dewi ; the Kyaukyit Princess, 
Thirinanda Dewi ; the Natmauk Princess Thiripama Dewi ; the Ma- 
daya Princess, Thirithcinkha Dewi ; the Yinkhe Princess, Thirithu- 
seitta Dewi ; the Myothit Princess, Thirithuwunna Dewi ; the Hinga- 
maw Princess, Thirithuthama Dewi ; and the Princes Panya Min, 
Thadominyfe-kyawdin, Taungniyaw Min, Thadumlnyft-kyaw, the 
Kawlin Prince, Thadnminye-kyawgaung. the Maing Sin Prince, 
Thadominyfe-yannaing, and the Maingpyin Prince, Thadominyfe- 
thihathu. Besides the?e there were 14 daughters of the late 
Eingshemin and nine granddaughters and three grandsons of the 
King. On this occasion all the Courts were closed and many pri- 
soners were released from the jails, both civil debtors and criminals 
by order of the King. 

During the ceremony, while the King and the chief Queen were 
sitting together on the throne in the Hmannnntiaw looking on, the 
Alfenandaw Queen without any warning went up to the throne and 
sat down beside them. The whole Court was astounded at her 
boldness, for no queens were allowed to sit on the throne with the 
King, except the chief Queen. The N'ammadaw Paya was very in- 
dignant, but she restrained her anger in the presence Chamber. 
When the ceremonial was over, however, she went strais^hl off to her 
suite of apartments and wept for shame. The King heard of this 
and went to speak to her, but she attacked him, saying that it could 
only be owing to his encouragement that the Alfenandaw Queen 
would dare to do such a thing, absolutely unparalleled as it was in 
its defiance of Court etiqueUe. The King assured her that so far 
from having given any encouragement he had been as much surpris- 
ed as she could have been at the Irregularity, and added that he 
proposed to reprimand and chastise the froward Alfenandaw. 

The Al^nandaw Queen was noted as much for her wiliness as for 
her haughty demeanour. It appears that she contended that she, as 

:hap. u.] 


a daughter of King Bao^yidaw. had a perfect right to sit on the 
throne with the King and the senior wife at a festival in honour of the 
ear-boring of her own daughter. She would not stoop to ask for 
permission, but boldly asserted her right by doing the thing itself. 

In February 1876 it was brought to the King's notice that the 
water of the S'ane, Tapin, and VVinyohan streams from the Taung- 
pyu district north of Mandalay was dispersed and not utilized as it 
might be. He therefore ordered the Yenangyaung Wungyi, Tha- 
diimingyi-mahaminkyaw-minkhaung, to dig out and repair these 
chnungi so that the people might be able to utilize the water for 
the cultivation of iheir fields The distance over which the labour 
extended was 3,000 fa. 3 tai*igs, from 7 to S miles. 

In addition to this the King at the same time gave orders for the 
embanking of the Irrawaddy. During the floods the river used to 
rise every year as far as the Shweta chaung and caused a good 
deal of inconvenience and sickness. Accordingly the King issued 
an order in the month of May to all officials that the river was to be 
banked up. The bund was to extend from Obo on the north of 
Mandalay to Amarapura on the south, and each officer had a section 
assigned to him which he was to complete with all convenient 
despatch. The height and breadth of the embankment were given 
and the earth of which it was built was to be piled upon a basis of 
rocks and stones. 

On the 23rd October of this year the Nammadawpaya, the chief 
Queen, fell ill of fever and, notwithstanding the care of all the most 
skilled physicians of the Court, daily became worse. According- 
ly th(r King, as a last resource, set free a number of prisoners from 
jail, 65 in number, one for each year uf the lite of Her Majesty 
Thiripawayaialawka-yatana-niingala Dewi. Among them were 
Nga Pyaw, Nga Hpo Ka, Nga Thaung. Nga San E^ and Nga Tha 
Aung, five dacoils who were under seulcnce of death. This 
pious act, however, proved of as little avail as the drugs of the medi- 
cal men, and on the 12th Nuvember the Queen died. She was 
burled wi'h great pomp in the north garden of the palace and the 
Kmg and the whole Royal Family with the Ministers of State attend- 
ded the funeral robed in white mourning garments, and remained in 
mourning for seven days. \ tomb with a spire was erected over 
her grave. Her loss greatly affected the King, who had frequently 
sought her advice on matters of State. The amiability of the 
Nammadawpaya and her conspicuous benevolence and piety had 
also greatly endeared her to the people at large, and she was uru- 
versally regretted. She was a daughter of King Tharrawaddi by his 
chief Queen and full sister of the Pagan King, Mind6n Min never 



got over his grief for her loss and wore a white paso until the day 
of his death m mourning for her. He paid frequent visits to her 
grave — so often, that eventually he had a small summer palace built 
close by, where he frequently lived for several weeks at a time. 

After the death of the good Queen it was rumoured in the palace 
that the Alfenandaw, who was also a King's daughter and a great 
favourite with the King, would be nominated chief Queen in the 
room of the deceased. When this got about, all the influential 
queens and many of the others went to the King privately and asked 
him with tears in their eyes whether the rumour was true. If it were 
true, they said that haughty and irritable lady would soon make the 
palace unbearable for them and they would all have to beg permis- 
sion to leave His Majesty and retire from the palace. The King 
was very gentle and solemnly assured Ihem that he had given a 
promise to the late Queen that no one should be appointed to fill 
her place. 

A few months later, however, the .Menandaw Queen formally pe- 
titioned the King that she, a daughter of King Bag)'idaw by his 
chief Queen, had a right to the title of Minddn's chief Queen 
and maintained that the retention of the title of Al^nandaw 
was a direct slight to her. The poor King compromised ihe 
matter by allowing her to use a while umbrella and gave her a 
white cow elephant, which had been sent from 'I'avoy, to ride on. 
She thus obtained the title of Sinpyumashin (Mistress of the 
White Elephant). At the same time, to soothe the other queens, 
His Majesty privately told them that the white umbrella had been 
given to the Al^nandaw by the chief Queen just before her death 
and that he had nothing to do with it. The King only wanted 
peace, but so imperious and domineering was the Alfenandaw that 
she would undoubtedly have gained her end and would have been 
formally nominated chief Queen, if His Majesty had only lived a 
few years longer. She was his favourite, though she was so brazen 
and pushing. 

In December 1876 King Mind6n resolved to build a pagoda which 
should surpass every pagoda in existence in size and magnificence. 
The site he selected was at the foot of Yankin taung, a hill to the 
east of Mandalay, and the shrine was to be built of stone. The 
plan sketched shows that the pagoda would have been vastly 
greater than any building on earth. The work was pushed on with 
the greatest energy. Many people died of sickness and great 
numbers of cattle employed to carry material died of fatigue. The 
King's mind was set on completing the work and officials were sent 
out to report the daily progress, each Minister taking the duty in 

CHAP. 11.] 



turn. Mind6n Min one day asked one of his royal Italian en- 
gineers when he thought the pagnda would b»; finished. Thai i)fficer 
callously replied : " It will take about 40 years, Your Majesty." 
The Ring was almost more annoyed than displeased, for he was 
determined to finish it before he died. As a matter of fact the 
structure had only risen about 3 feet above the ground at his death. 
In 1S77 the King had a canal dug from the north of the palace 
to the moat to the east of the city, running through the north-east 
gate of the city called Thonk^. He proposed thus to go to the 
pagodas and kyaungs to the north east of the city by water, and in 
November, on the completion of the Aiumashi kytiung (the incom- 
parable), actually did go with the whole Court in a procession of 
State barges. He returned again on the same day to the palace. 

At the end of the year it was maliciously reported to the King 
that the officials of the late Eingshemin were meditating treason. 
They were accordingly all arrested and sent as prisoners to the 
Shan States. There was no real ground for the charge, but the 
King was afraid that disturbances might be created in the country. 

On the loth of May 1S78 the Atumashi kyaung was consecrated 
and the King went out with the entire Court and Royal Family, again 
by water, intending to stay at a temporary palace which had been 
built for the occasion close to the kyaung, where also a great feast 
was prepared and all the people of Mandalay, foreigners {i.e., Euro- 
peans), Chinese, natives {i.e., Natives of India), and Burmese were 
entertained at His Majesty's expense. On this day, however, there 
occurred two portents which greatly affected the programme. While 
the Kara-maik Hpauvgdaw was passing along the moat, laden with 
the Pitaka, or collections of the canonical books, to be deposited in 
the monastery about to be coiisecraied^ the boat struck a post and 
the spire over the Ilpaungdaiv was violently wrenched and nearly 
broken short off. Again after the kyaung had been formally con- 
secrated, the King went up to ptay before an image in the interior 
of the building. H<: had to go up some steps and as he went 
he stumbled and would have fallen had it not been that one of 
the Princesses was close by him, whose shoulder he seized and so 
recovered himself. The King was a good deal shaken and seriously 
frightened and returned to the palace the same evening instead of 
staying in the temporary building as had been arranged. The 
story of the two accidents got about and they were looked upon by 
the people as bad omens. The King himself apparently had the 
same idea, shut himself up in his palace, and went nowhere. 

In June the yearly examination of fongyis and shins^ candidates 
for the full grade of monk and probationers of the order, took place 



at the Thudhamma aayat and the Patan sayat, at the fool of 
Mandalay hill. The King;, instead of going himself, sent the Minis- 
ters in turn to entertain the sayadaus and potJgyis who conducted 
the examination, and to report progress every day. In previous 
years he had always made a point of being present himself at this 
Patamapyan as the examination for orders was called. 

In July the King really fell ill and, notwithstanding the efforts of 
his medical advisers, daily became weaker, so that he was not able 
to hold the ordinary audiences A rumour ^oon flew all over the 
country thai His Majesty was actually dead and embalmed, and 
there was much anxiety throughout his dominions. To restore 
confidence and quiet the minds of the people, the King by a great 
effort made his appearance in the Hall of Audience and remained 
there for a short time. It was tno much for his strength, however, 
and he gradually became worse, and on the lath September all the 
Princes received an order to attend in the palace by command of 
the King. The Nvaung Yan Prince, who as the most pious of his 
sons, had by the King's command been in daily attendance on His 
Majesty with the physicians and knew the nearly hopeless slate of 
his father, and moreover received a private warning from his mother, 
instead of going to the palace, took refuge at the British Resi- 
dency, and persuaded his brother the Nyaung Ok to go with htm. 
The other Princes, however, obeyed the citation without suspicion 
and went direct to the palace. They were arrested in a body and im- 
prisoned in a building to the south of the HlutdaTv. Two days later 
they were removed to a building north of the Bahositt, the clock 
turret, and there w^ere loaded with chains. 

The mothers of the unfortunate Princes made their way to the 
King and begged for their release, and on the I9lh September the 
King issued an order that they should be immediately set free and 
brought before him, at the same time adding that their arrest had 
been made without his knowledge, or permission. 

The Princes were accordingly set free and brought inside the 
palace, but the Mekkhara Prince alone was allowed to go to the 
King's bedside. He told his father how matters stood, and MindAn 
Min realized the danger they were in while he remained bedridden 
and that they would be in still greater peril if he were to die. He 
therefore hit upon a plan which he thought would free ihem from 
the snares which had been set about them, and would enable them 
lo protect themselves. This was to appoint several of them Ba- 
yingan^ or Regents. Accordingly he dictated an order appointing the 
Thonzfe Prince Dayittgnn of all the country from Shwebo to Bhamo, 
with a sayedaivgyi of the liluldawas a subordinate, and with one of 




ihe royal steamers at his disposal ; the lands from Kyauksfe as far as 
Taungngu frontier were assigned to the Mekkhara Prince as Regent, 
also with a HiuiduTi' clerk and a steamer for the Prince's use; and 
the tract between Tal6kmyo (Myin^yan) and Myedn, with another 
sayedawgyi and a royat steamer, was assigned to the Nyaung Yan 
Prince as the third Bayingynn. Each Prince was to rule over his 
territory independently and the younger Princes and their relations 
were allowed to attach themselves to whichever of the three they 
'preferred. A further order was issued to the treasury to advance 
what sums might be necessary for the expenses of the Bayingans. 
The King also expressly warned the Mekkhara Prince tl at neither 
he nor any of the other Princes wore to return to the palace, unless 
under an order signed by his own royal hand, which he siid they 
would all be able easily to recognize. He then gave his son his 
(blessing and stretched himself out on his couch with his feet to- 
(Wards the Prince. The Mekkhara knelt down, brushed the royal 
feet with his hair and kissed them and humbly thanked the Kmg 
for the honour and favour which he had shown him and the other 
Princes, his sons, and retired from the presence. 

He rejoined the other Princes and went down with them to the 
north garden of the palace, where they met their mothers, the 
various queens, and their sisters, who had gone there by the King's 
orders to bid them farewell. While they were conversing an armed 
party rushed upon them and arrested them all and they were all 
again lodged in their prison-house after only a few hours' freedom., 

The thanda'wsin who had taken down the King's order for a triple 
regency read it aloud before the Ministers. Bui the Kin Wun 
Mingyi and other prominent functionaries who were interested in 
the plot in favour of the Thibaw Prince prevented the decree from 
being issued by the Hlutda-w. They knew that the King wa-^ in a 
dying state and that ihe chance of their punishment was slight. It 
was they therefore who issued the order for the re-arrest of the 

The hapless queens and princesses, when they saw their dear ones 
thus seized before their eyes and some of them cruellv beaten and 
ill-treated, fled to ihe palace weeping and beating ihcir breasts to 
relate what had happened to the King and to entreat him to exer- 
cise his authority. This, however, had been foreseen bv the 
Alfenandaw Queen, who was the originator of the plot, and she met 
them on the way and relentlessly bade them hold their peace in 
the Palace. They all feared the Alfenandaw and were fain to retire, 
and immediately afterwards found themselves made prisoners in 
their own apartments. There was Iherefflre no one to tell the 



King what had happened and he believed that the Princes were set 
free and said to h mseU on his sick bed : Now they have got to 
the steamers. Now thfy have started. Now they are going full of 
joy and gratitude to assume their new duties." But the Princes 
lay loaded with chains in their crowded cell and the King knew 
nought of it. 

He died on Tuesday, the rst October, in the golden palace at the 
moment when the second hour was struck and thence his remains 
were humbly carried by the Ministers to the crystal palace, the 
Hmannandaiv, and there laid on a golden couch of state all set with 
precious stones. His body was decked out in the royal robes ; 
his face, hands and feet were covered deep with the finest gold 
leaf ; a white canopy embroidered with gold leaves was set overhead ; 
and the eight white umbrellas, four on each side, were unfolded over 
him. On either side were laid out his crowns, his robes of state, 
and the royal insignia and badges of authority. The whole cham- 
ber was hung with fine white cloth and all in the palace were dress- 
ed in pure white as a sign of mourning. The gates of the palace 
were thrown open to all who might wish to come and pay homage 
to what remained of their Sovereign, and people from all tnc country 
round, from the city, and from far distant places, came lo mourn at 
the bier of the good King. 

After a few days he was buried in great state, attended by the 
Pagan Min, his brother, the queens, the princes-ses and all the 
dignitaries of state clad in pure white. The catafalque with its 
white ropes was drawn by the queens, the princesses, and others of 
the Royal Family to the north-east of the Hlutdaw to a spot close 
to the grave of the late Queen Dowager, the wife of King Tharra- 
waddi, and there he was buried with great honour and solemnity 
according to the prescribed royal rites. King Thibaw was present 
at the funeral, and it was particularly noticed that he and his follow- 
ers were dressed in their ordinary garb and not in white like all the 
others present. He came, not on foot, but in a State palanquin, 
and when it halted near the burial place he did not alight, hut 
gave the necessary order for burial from his palanquin, extended 
at full length. The officer in charge of the obsequies set fire to the 
funeral trappings as a signal for the interment to go on and Thibaw 
then immediately retired. The rest remained till the sepulture was 
completed, A fine monument was afterwards erected over the 

The King died of dysentery after an illness of two months. His 
loss was felt with profound regret in every part of his dominions. 
He was equally loved, esteemed, and respected by his people, who 

CHAP, n.] HISTORY. 8l 

admired him for his learning, his intelligence, and his kind-hearted- 
ness. He was occasionally lead by evil advice to do harsh things, 
but when he discovered that wrong had been done he made prompt 
and frank amends to the victim. He loved peace above all things 
and was willing to sacrifice almost anything to secure it. He was 
very religious and eajger to learn anything new in science, knowledge, 
or literature. On the representation of the English Missionary, the 
Reverend Doctor Marks, he built a beautiful church and a school 
for the teaching of the Christian religion, and to this missionary 
school he sent several of his sons, King Thibaw being one of them. 
But the King was above all zealous to advance and foster the 
Buddhist religion. He erected numberless kyaungs, pagodas, 
sayats, and other meritorious works. His name is the most nota- 
ble in the Alaungpaya dynasty. 

He was bom on Tuesday, the 6th increase of Waso 1176 B.E. 
(3rd July 1814), and died on the 1st October 1878, at the age of 64, 
after a prosperous reign of 26 years. He took his title of Minddn 
from the fact that, while a prince, he drew the revenues of the 
Minddn township, west of Thayetmyo, within a few miles of the 
foot of the Arakan Hills. His birth name was Maung Lwin. 

This ends the chronicle of King Minddn's reign. 

The following domestic palace details have been collected from a 
variety of Burmese sources : — 

The chief Queen was the only one of the queens who had the 
power to petition the King direct in favour of a candidate for office, 
or to interpose in behalf of a prisoner or any one sentenced to 

The other Queens and ladies of the palace had no recognized 
authority, but many of them had a good deal of personal influence 
with the King in the privacy of his chamber, and therefore great 
court was paid to them by minor and district officials and even 
by Ministers of State in the hope that promotion or protection in 
times of trouble might thus be secured for them. Friendship with 
these ladies was also useful in another way. They could report 
what passed or was talked of in the palace and so do a friend a 
good turn. The queens' chambers were therefore thronged with 
the wives and daughters, alike of officials and aspirants for office, 
and occasionally a very kind-hearted lady of the Court would send 
a special warning message to a suitor or a delinquent. After his 
establishment of the salary system King Mindon banded over some 
of the queens to the care of various Ministers and district officials 
and ordered them to be regarded as daughters and to be looked 
after and provided for accordingly. These ladies naturally had an 




eye to the interests of their guardians and gave secret information 
for their advantage. Feminine Influence was thus even more para- 
mount at the Burmese Court than it is elsewhere in Burma. 

The situation therefore when King Mindon fell seriously ill was 
sufHciently complicated. There was no rule extant that the eldest 
Prince should succeed, and no one iiad been nominated Eingshemitt 
or heir-apparent b^ the King as successor to the Pnnce, his 
brother, murdered m the rebellion of 1866. In 1869 Colonel (then 
Captain) Sladen had urged the King to nominate one of his sons to 
be his successor, on the ground that this would secure the peace of 
the country. But the King had argued that, on the contrary, this 
would be the surest way to create disturbances. He had so many 
sons of an age fit to govern the country that the appointment of 
any one of them as Etngshcmin would be practically signing his 
death-warrant. The matter therefore was postponed until the 
lingering and debilitating illness of the King left him without the 
energy or the influence sufficient to settle the question himself. 

As matters stood it was hardly possible that there could be ai 
peaceable and bloodless succession. The three most prominent and 
elderly Princes were the Mekkhara, Thonz^, and Nyaung Yan 
Minthas. They were all loyal ; they had rendered equally good 
service in the rebellion of 1866; they were much of an age and, as 
far as their mothers were concerned, according to Burmese notions, 
they were on an equality. The Th6nz£ Prince had perhaps a slight 
advantage in the rank of his mother ; the Mekkhara Prince was the 
bravest and perhaps the most prominent ; the Nyaung Yan Prince 
was the most pious and well-read and therefore possibly the most 
likely to find favour in the eyes nf the Governor of the I*^ifth Great 
Synod. The King himself hesitated, as is evident from his division 
of the Regency among them. Possibly he thought he would re- 
cover from his sickness and would have time to settle ihe succes- 
sion ; possibly he was too weak to arrive at any decision ; most likely 
he was confused by the startling arrest of all the Princes without 
his orders. His love of peace and the absence of any one to guide 
his decision probably determined him to leave matters to settle 
themselves. In any case he made no definite nomination. 

The Al&nandaw Queen saw her opportunity in this. She knew 
that she was hated by all the Queens and indeed by most of the 
Royal Family. She knew that each Queen would intrigue for her son 
with the aid of whatever officials could be won. She knew that the 
Thibaw Prince was in love with her daughter Supayalat, and she 
determined that through them she would continue to exercise the 
same influence at Court as she possessed in Minddn's time. She 




carried out her plot with equal energy and daring. While the King 
was ill, the only persons, besides the physicians, allowed to come 
near him were ihe Alt-nandaw Queen herself, the Taungsaingdaw, 
the Thanatsin and Letpansin Queens, and U Hka Gyi, the chief 
eunuch. She still further isolated him by ordering that no ponies 
or carriages were to pass near the palace and that no one was to 
speak above a whisper throughout the whole building, or to come 
near the sick chamber. It was by her orders that the Princes were 
first summoned to the palace and arrested, and it almost seems as 
if she had obtained the King's approval of this siep on the ground 
that the safety and peace of the kingdom called for it, but this latter 
point is very obscure. At any rale she persuaded the King to stipu- 
late that all the Princes should leavej Mandalay with the three 
Bayingans, Mekkhara, Th6nz6, and Nyaung Yan, except theThibaw, 
Maington, and Thagaya Princes. 

Meanwhile she had further developed her plot. She sent for the 
Ktn IVun Mingyi and her particular ally, the Myaukdwe Bo, a mili- 
tiiry officer and father of the Yanaung Mintha, and informed them 
that the Kin^ had appointed the three Princes to be Bayingans, and 
that the inevitable result of this must be disturbances, risings among 
the people, and the overthrow of the Ministers themselves. She 
therefore suggested (hat it would be well for the peace of the coun- 
try not to let any of them leave Mandalay and said all should be 
confined by order of the //lutdaw. At the same time she hinted that 
the King had expressed a wish that Thibaw should marry Supaya- 
lat and should be nominated Eingskemin. Whatever the Min- 
isters may have thought of the last proposition, they were thoroughly 
alive to the dangers hinted at by the Alenandaw, and the Kin IVun 
Mingyi easily persuaded the Hkampat, Yenangyaung, and Shwe 
Pyi IVutigyis to agree to the Queen's proposition. An order of the 
Hlutdaiv was therefore issued for the re-arrest of all the Princes and 
this was promptly carried out in the north garden of the palace as 
related by the Burmese chronicler. A few of the minor Princes 
escaped during the scuffle which occurred. The Mekkhara and 
Thonz^ Princes resisted violently. The former was cut over the 
head and the Thonzfe Prince was also injured by a fall off the palace 
wall, which he was trying to scale. In order to divert suspicion 
and to persuade tlie people that the arrest was made really for the 
sake of the country, to ensure its tranquillity, the Thibaw Prince was 
arrested among the others, by the express desire of the Alfenandaw 
Queen. He was, however, very soon liberated on the pretext that 
the King wanted him to give him his medicine. 

The King was now more isolated than ever and the Alenandaw 
Queen further developed her plot. While the Ministers were sitting 



in Council near the southern palace there was brought to them by 
an eunuch from the Alfenandaw a parabaik, a black official note- 
book. It contained a list of the Princes' names, and the Ministers 
were requested to put a mark asjalnst the name of the one ihey 
thought best fitted and worthiest to be appointed Eingshemin, the 
successor to the throne. The parabaik was first handed to the 
Hkampat Wungyi, who at that time was looked upon as President 
of the Council. Ho looked over the list and passed it on, without a 
word and without making any remark to the Kin Wun Mingyi. This 
officer had now been completely won over by the Al^nandaw, and 
without a moment's hesitation he placed his mark against the name 
of the Thibaw Prince. The other Ministers thereupon, whether in 
the plot or not, all followed his example and voted for Thibaw. 
They thought that this Prince, who had no established party of his 
own and no powerful relations in the Court to outward seeming, 
would be more easily managed than the more elderly Princes, all 
whose favourites and likings were known. 

Tht parabaik was then taken back by the eunuch to the Alfe- 
nandaw and after a day or two she laid it before the King and 
pointed out to him the unanimous vote of his Ministers. The 
Ring simply looked at it and laid the book down by his bed with- 
out a sign or a word. .Ml this lime he knew nothing of the arrest 
of the Princes and during a slight revival of his strength the Min- 
isters were in great alarm and were with difficulty kept from releas- 
ing the prisoners by the .M^nantlaw. The amendment of the King's 
health was, however, only temporary. A relapse set in and within 
ten days he was dead. 

He lay in state for seven days, and the day after the funeral 
Thibaw was proclaimed King. The Ministers established a kind 
of Council which was to administer the affairs of the country on 
what was called a constitutional system. No order was to be issued 
and no appointments were to be made without the consent and 
approval of this Council. This was not at all, however, what the 
Alfenandaw or King Thibaw and his consort wanted and the Coun- 
cil came to an end in three months' time. That body had endea- 
voured to keep a control of the treasury, and the Shwe Pyi Wungyi 
in its name ventured to protest against the royal extravagance. 
The immediate answer to this attempt to cut the privy purse was 
the dismissal of the plain-spoken Shwe Pyi IVmtgyi and of the 
Yenangyaung IVuvgyi, who was reported to have spoken favourably 
of the Mekkhara Prince. Such autocratic action was too much 
for the Council and no more was heard of the attempt at " consti- 
tutional Government." King Thibaw ruled supreme. 

CHAP. n. 



Immediately after the coronation ceremony the Myaukshweyi 
Queen, the mother of the Nyaung Yan and Nyaung Qk Princes, and 
her daughters were arrested and imprisoned. At the same time 
there were thrown into jail the Kunywa Queen, the mother of the 
Th6nze Prince, and her daughters, the Mekkhara Prince's mother, 
the Myauksaungdaw Queen and her daughters, the Pagan Queen 
and her daughters, the Limhan Queen, the Thekpan Queen, and the 
Saingdon Queen, witli their daughters, besides many others. They 
were all confined in the palace enclosure near the western gate 
and remained closely guarded until the occupation of Mandalay by 
the British troops. 

At first the King*s intention was simply to keep the Prim:es, his 
brothers, in confinement. A large jail for their accommodation 
• was therefore commenced on the western side of the palace, but 
before long the Alfenandaw Queen, her daughter Supayalat, and 
'their confidential advisers arrived at the conclusion tfiat the death 
of the Princes was the easiest way of preventing them from giving 
trouble. King Thibaw required little persuasion and the massacre 
took place in February 1879. A huge trench was dug to receive 
them all and many were tossed in half alive or only stunned by 
the clubs of the executioners. The Hlethin Attvinwun was Myowun 
of Mandalay at the time, and he with the Yanaung MinlUa and 
their Letihdndaws, their personal attendants, were sent to verify the 
dragonnade and see that none escaped. The huge grave was 
covered with earth, which was trampled down by the feet of the 
executioners, but after a day or two it began gradually to rise and 
the King sent all the palace elephants to trample it level again. 
After some time the trench was opened again and the bodies were 
taken out and removed to the common burial-ground and interred 

The most prominent among those murdered were I he Myauk- 
saungdaw Queen with her daughters, the Kani and Kgap& Afin- 
ihamis and her son, the Mekkhara. Prince ; the Kyanhnyat and 
Thinkyfe Princesses; the Thonzt Prince and his brother the Pintha 
Mint ha ; the Kothani, theShwegu, Mohlaing, Taungnyo, Yenaung, 
Maingt6n, Kawlin, Kotha, Thagaya, Thilin, and Tantabin Princes, 
besides many others, sons of the King and of the Ei7igskemin who 
was murdered in t866. Other notable persons killed were the Tabfe 
Mintha, Mind6n Min's cousin, the Yenatha Mintha, the Limban 
Queen's brother, the Bhamo Aiivinwun, uncle of the Thonzfe Mintha, 
Maung Yauk, formerly Governor of Rangoon in Burmese times, 
and his brother, the MyinBugyhcun, the Madaya IVun, who was 
uncle of the Nyaung Yan Prince, and a number of other ofiBcials and 



relatives of the Princes. The victims numbered in all between 70 
and 80 souls. Both the Court and the country were horrified, but 
none dared to murmur, A spirit of lawlessness, howi^ver, spread 
throughout ihe kingdom and dacoits and robbers soon infested 
every part of the country. 

Immediately after the massacre Supayalat distributed among her 
favourite malds-of-honour the cities and titles assigned to the mur- 
dered queens and Princesses, and King Thibaw in the same way 
named his most trusted letthondaws successors of the deceased 
Princes. The titles therefore all survived in different individuals. 

King Thibaw married Supayalat immediately upon his succes- 
sion to the throne. He had been in love wuh her for some con- 
siderable time. His mother, the Laungshe Afibuya (who was 
seventh in rank among the Queens), the Alfenandaw, and the Minis- 
ters, however, decided among themselves that he should also 
marry Supayagyi, the elder sister of Supayalat, and that Supayagyi, 
as the eldest daughter of the Alenandaw, should have the title of 
chief Queen, Nammada^v Mibuya Kaunggyt, while Supayalat 
was to be styled Myauk Nandaw Mibuya^ or northern Queen. It 
was assumed that Thibaw, like all Kings of Burma, would have 
four principal queens and a number of minor spouses according to 
fancy. However, to begin witlij he married the two sisters in the 
presence of the entire Court at the time of his coronation, and they 
sat on the throne to the right and left of him. Both of them were 
allowed to use white umbrellas and Supayagyi moved into the apart- 
ments which had been inhabited by Mindon's chief Queen. Supa- 
yalat, however, established herself in the King's own rooms and kept 
a close eye on him, so that he was never able to go anvAvhere 
without her. The King therefore saw nothing of Supayagyi at all. 

This, however, did not satisfy Supayalat, who was determined 
to be sole mistress. Before long Supayagyi fell sick and her 
favourite nurse, Ma Pwa, lighted some candles and placed them in a 
row in the Nammadapaya's rooms as an offering to the spirits for 
the Queen's recovery. Supayalat heard of this and immediately 
told King Thibaw that Supayagyi and her nurse were working 
spells against his health and power and were conspiring to bring 
about the return of the Nyaung Yan Prince as King. She there- 
fore persuaded the King to send messengers to see what was going 
on and he was duly told that candles were indeed burning in a 
row, but what it was for the spies could not say. Thibaw was 
gradually worked into alarm and Indignation by Supayalat and 
had several hot altercations with the Alenandaw, who took the 
part of her elder daughter. In the end Thibaw ordered the nurse 
to be put to death. When the Alenandaw heard this she thought 




Supayagyi was also in danger and caused her to be removed from 
the Nammadapaya^s rooms and brought under her own immediate 
care again. This was the very thing which Supayalat had been 
scheming for. She hated the notion of any one staying in the 
chief Queen's suite except herself. 

Supayagyi was very fond of her nurse and worked herself into 
such a state of misery over her sentence to death that the Alfenan- 
daw was fain to stifle her pride and went to King Thibaw and beg- 
ged him to spare Ma Pwa. He recalled the death sentence, but 
Supayalat would not allow her to be released and Ma Pwa, with 
her three sons and her aged mother, were kept confined in the 
women's prison for some considerable time. Supayalal, with or 
without grounds, believed that Ma Pwa had been scheming to in- 
troduce the King into Supayagyi's chamber and this was more than 
her jealousy could stand. Her hatred was implacable. After a 
few months Ma Pwa was removed to a prison in Sagaing and she 
had not long been there when a private order arrived that the nurse 
was to be starved to death, which was duly carried out. 

Jealousy was Supayalat's chief characteristic, and to it she united 
the imperiousness and cruelty which she had inherited from her 
mother. She kept the King completely under her control and 
effectually prevented him from indulging in amours. When her 
first child, a daughter, was born, all the daughters of the officials 
were ordered to come to the palace to pay homage to the infant 
Princess and to do her homage. Among those who came was Mi 
Hkingyi, a grand-daughter of the Hkampat IVufiffvi and niece of 
the Pagan At-wintvun. Mi Hkingyi was very good-looking and 
very gentle in her manner. She was therefore chosen among 
those to attend on the infant, and King Thibaw saw her often 
when he came to see the child and soon took a fancy to her. 
He therefore sent the Taingda Afivinii'un's grandson, a lad of 
fourteen, to express hislove for her. Mi Hkingyi dutifully told the 
messenger to ask her uncle and aunt, the Pagan Ahvinumn 
and his wife. The King then privately sent the S'auaung Afin- 
tka, a special favourite of his, to the Atwinwun, to say that he 
wanted to marry the girl. The Atwinzvun and his wife express- 
ed their sense of the honour intended, but said ihat they were 
afraid of Supayalat, who would take revenge not only on the girl, 
but on all her relations. The King ihcn summoned them to meet 
him in a suite of apartments close to the letthondaw's quarters, 
where Supayalat very seldom went and showed the preparations 
he had made there for Mi Hkingyi, and declared by his royal 
honour that he would see that neither the girl herself nor her 
relations should suffer from Supayalat's indignation. He also 



promised to tell Supayalat the whole circumstances of the case 
after her second confinement which was expected, and assured 
them that he would reconcile her to the situation, appoint Supaya- 
lat Nammadnwpaya and Mi Hkingyi to the dignity of Myauknan- 
daw, and that thus everything would be satisfactorily arranged. 
There is something almost ludicrous in all this to-do about a mere 
chit of a girl, when even the Princes of Burma, to say nothing of the 
King, were in the habit of making alliances as they would have 
bought a new pony. The fuss made, however, shows how com- 
pletely Supayalat ruled the palace, so that not merely the Minis- 
ters, but even the Kin^f himself hesitated about doing anything 
without her consent and approval. 

The girl was brought into the palace and established in the 
quarters prepared for her, and King Thibaw, da in hand, himself 
threatened Supayalat's attendants with immediate death if they told 
her anything about his new connection. He informed Supayalat 
that he was to receive a solemn beithet, a blessing with consecrat- 
ed water from the pdnnas, and that it was necessary for him to 
keep solemn and solitary fast for seven days in preparation for 
the ceremony. Two small temporary palaces were therefore built 
in the southern garden of the palace and in one of them Supayalat 
kept a genuine fast so as to be worthy to receive the betthei with 
the King. Thibaw himself kept a sort of honeymoon with Mi Hkin- 
gyi and held high revelry with his favourite leifhondaiosy the Ya- 
naung A/infha. the Pintha Prince, the Taungtaman-Iesa, and the 
Ekkahabat Myiwaun. The Queen was very proud of her asceti- 
cism and bragged about it freely to her attendants, adding that 
even the austere Mindon Min had never submitted himself to such 
mortification on an occasion of the kind as the young and lusty Thi- 
baw had now done. She was confined of her second child 15 days 
later and King Thibaw then told her of his alliance with Mi Hkin- 
ey\. The Queen's indignation at the new connection was worked 
mto fury when she thought of the trick that had been played on her 
and the way she liad been fooled before her attendants. She de- 
manded that Mi Hkingyi should be surrendered to her at once, but 
Thibaw had gathered courage from his lefthondaws and flatly re- 
fused. He, however, thought it well to move Mi Hkingyi into 
a safe place in the southern garden of the palace, and thence she 
used to visit him dressed in men's clothes and guarded on the way 
by the Yenaung Prince and other confidants of the King. 

Supayalat then realized that high-handed demands were not 
likely to prove successful and changed her plan. She affected to 
be reconciled to the division of the King's affections and argued 
that it would be more seemly that the new Queen should live in the 


palace in the usual way. She gave a solemn promise that she 
would do Mi Hkingyi no harm and for a short time did really treat 
ber kindly. Before long, however, she began to bully and ill-treat 
the girl, who complained to the King. Thibaw consulted with his 
confidential friends, the Yenaung and Pintha Princes, the Taungta- 
man-lfesa, and the Ekkabat AfytttTVun, who bluntly said that it was 
a woman's duty to obey her husband, that the King might have 
as many wives as he pleased and that he was justifiea in thrashing 
or threatening Supayalat into compliance if mere argument failed. 
On the next occasion of a remonstrance with Supayjilat about her 
treatment of Mi Hkingyi therefore, the King seized a spear and 
rushed at his wife. Supayalat fled to her mother Al^nandaw's 
apartments and got there before the King could catch her. The 
maid s-of- honour scattered in dismay and were not to be found, 
though the letthdndaws were sent to look for them. The whole 
palace was in a state of commotion and the gates were shut lest 
the consternation should spread outside. 

Late at night Thibaw repented of his hastiness and went and 
made it up with Supayalat, but she had now taken her measure of 
him and returned to the palace determined not to give way. Quar- 
rels between her and Thibaw were frequent and almost as violent 
as this had been, but Supayalat now never gave way, and what be- 
tween fear of her and love for Mi Hkingyi, Thibaw got into such 
an excited and bewildered state, that rumours spread into the city 
that the King was going mad. 

The Queen therefore resolved to put an end to the cause of 
quarrel in a summary way. She knew that the Yenaung and other 
letthondaws were the King's great supporters and were bound for 
their own safety to thwart her plans. She determined therefore 
to get them out of the way and took the Taingda Atwinwufi into 
her councils. 

King Thibaw had never gone round the city moat and she per- 
suaded him that in order to take formal possession of the city 
.it was necessary that he should do so. She also reminded him 
that it was customary on such occasions to set up four golden 
boxes, one on each side of the city, into which any one who had a 
petition to make, or grievances to unfold, might drop his letter and 
so secure the royal attention without danger or expense to himself. 
The King agreed and, with the Queen and the letthdndaws^ made 
the four-mile circuit in the royal barges in stately and pompous 
fashion. They returned at night and the four boxes were brought 
into Supayalat's apartments and opened bv the King himself. 
There were a number of petitions and most of these from all four 
boxes were anonymous letters directed against the Yanaung and 




Pmtha Princes, the Pagan Atn^inwun, the Taungtaman-I^sa, the 
Ekkhabai Myimvuti, and others of the /eithondaws, charging them 
with treasonous conspiracy against the King and his Government 
and correspondence with the Nyaung Yan and Nyaung Ok Princes. 
These letters had all been concocted by the Queen herself and 
deposited by her ally, the Taingda At-wimeun, in the golden 

The Queen herself insinuated her suspicions, and King Thibaw, 
who lived in constant fear of such plots, was easily persuaded to 
order the arrest of the accused and to entrust the duty to the 
Taingda Atmn-a>uv and the Shwehlan Myowun, both of them in the 
Queen's confidence. The next morning the Yananng Prince was 
;irrested as he entered the palace gates in the ordinary course of 
his duties and immediately after, the Pagan Ahcin-wun, the Pintha 
Prince, the Taungtaman-Ifesa, the Ekkhabat Afyinwuti, the Hkam- 

f)at Wungyi, the ICaunghan !/*««, the Ng^vckun If 'hw, with all their 
amilies and retainers, were arrested in their own houses and lodged 
in jail without any form of trial or investigation. 

They remained thus In confinement for 20 days and then Supa- 
yalat began to be afraid that the King would relent and set free 
the prisoners, most of whom had been his closest friends. She 
therefore took counsel with the Taingda and Shwehlan Wuns again 
and persuaded them to go and tell the King that the Yanaung 
Mintka was ratting in his cell and had declared that he would 
rather kill himself than submit to be put to death by the King's 
order, and had actually tried to commit suicide by cutting his throat 
with a pair of scissors. 

Thibaw when he heard this fell nto a rage and ordered the Ya- 
naung Mxntha out for immediate execution and this was carried 
out on the spot A few days later the Pagan Atmnviun and the 
Ekkhabat Myivwun were put to death in jail. Of the rest, some re- 
mained in confinement and some were exiled to Mogaung. .Among 
the latter was the Taungtaman-lfesa, who was killed on the way 
there by the secret orders of Supayalat. 

The whole story of the conspiracy was a pure invention of the 
Queen's, but it served her purpose and got rid of the King's allies 
and advisers. He now became a mere puppet in the Queen's 
hands, and she so arranged that Thibaw could never see Mi Hkin- 
gyi except in public. Shi* also told the girl that she would accuse 
her and her aunt, the Pagan Atwinwun^s wife, of attempting magic- 
al arts again-st the King, if she ventured to go near Thibaw, or to 
say anything to him but what Supayalat mstructed her tu sa 
The girl's spirit was broken and she was daily nagged at and 
treated by the maids- of- honour and by Supayalat herself. 






Thibaw gradually forgot the i^irl whom he was never allowed to 
sec and Supayalat placed Ml flkingyi in charge of ihe Taingda, 
who had now been appointed i^Vuttgyi. She was kept a close pri- 
soner in his compound, but one day Supayalat heard from tlie 
Wungyi's grand-daughter that the girl was kindly treated and al- 
lowed to see pTi'i's in the compound. She got in a great rage over 
this, threatened the Taujgda with dismissal, and spoke to the King 
about it. Thibaw had quite got over his fancy, lie wanted 
peace in his household above all things. He sent for the Taingda 
and asked if Mi Hkingyi was still alive and added that he wanted 
to hear no more about her. The ^Fm«^^'/ took the hint and had 
the girl killed. Supayalat sent a eunuch to make certain of the 

The whole matter was much discussed in Mandalay and through- 
out Burma and ruined the coniidence of the people in the King. 
The lawlessness in the palace provoked lawlessness in the country 
[,and legalized dacoit gangs pruyed over whole districts. 

The following notes on the reign of King Thibaw are supplied 
by Maung Po Ni, of Mandalay: — 

King Thibaw assumed the title of Thiripawara Ditya Lawka 
Dhipadi Pandita Maha Dhamma Rajadhiraja. He was the son of 
the last King, Mindon Min. by the Liungshe Queen, Princess 
Nanda Dewi, and was born on the morning of Saturday, the 12th 
waning of ihe moon of Nattmv 1220 (isl January 1859), so that he 
was twenty years of age when he ascended the throne. 

When he was sixteen years of age he entered a monastery on 
his novitiate and, after a stay of three years, passed in the first 
class at the annual Sudhamma examination. 

On his return to the palace after his father's funeral, he found 
that the Princess Saliii Supayagyi, one of His late Majesty's 
daughters, and kept Tnhindamg, had shaved her head along with 
her three maids-of-homHir, and had put on the dress of a nun. 
This somewhat annoyed King Thibaw, fnr he had intended to marry 
her. He consoled himself, hnwevcr, by marrying her two remain- 
ing sisters, the Princess Maingiiaung MyozaThuthiri Ralana Min- 
gala Dewi and her younger sister, the Princess Myadaung Myoza 
Thuthlri Pabha Raiana Dewi, daughters of King Mind6n by the 
Sinbyumashin Queen. 

In the month of Tahodwd 1240 (February 1879), for the safely 
and v^elfare of the country, the King's elder brother, the Princes 
Th6nze, Mekkhara, Shwcgu, and a number of others, in all up- 
wards of 40 persons, were made over to the Ministers and put 10 



In the following month His Majesty's uncle, the ex-King Pagan 
Min, died and was buried with the usual pomp and cererronies. 
At the same time King Thibaw's infant son died of sma!I-pox in 
the palace, and the King therefore could not attend his unde*s 
funeral, but it was nevertheless very grand. 

During the month of A'ayon (May) 1879 the King caused a 
pagoda to be built in a garden 10 the south-east of the city, known 
as the Thin Hemanum garden. This pagoda was known as the 
Ma-an-aung Yatana and King Thibaw was thereafter sometimes 
known as the Ma-an-aung Yatana Dayaka, or founder of the pa- 
goda of that name. 

In the month of Tabodwd (January) 1880 a large white house 
was built for the King's mother, who had become a nun. She 
took possession of this, but died in the following year. 

In the month of IVaso (June) 1880 a mission was sent to 
effect a treaty of friendship with the Brinsh Government, but after 
it had been delayed for eight months at Thayetmyo, it had to re- 
turn without effecting anything. 

In August of the same year the chief Queen gave birth to a 

In the following month the Yaw Myosa Wungyi was given Rs. 
5,000 and sent to quell a disturbance which had broken out at Mong 
Nai (Mon£) and to take charge of thai part of the Shan States. 

In the month of Kason 1243 (April 1881), as it was the fourth 
year of His Majesty's reign, it became necessary, in accordance 
with ancient custom, to again perform the ceremony of coronation. 
Highly ornamental sheds were therefore erected on the space in 
front of the Palace, and the King and the chief Queen, seated on a 
thrune, went through the ceremony of Beii-tkeit ; consecrated water 
was poured on their heads from three conch shells. They then 
proceeded to the city moat and entered a barge, in which they were 
rowed round the city, both banks of the moat being lined with 
troops all the while. The significance of this ceremony was that 
the King took possession of the city. Special effect was lent to 
the function by the circumstance that the moon was under eclipse 
at the time. 

In July 1881 the chief Queen gave birth to another daughter. 

In the month of Tagu (March) 1882 the Atwimvun Kyauk- 
myaung Myoza, was appointed chief envoy to proceed to Simla and 
London with friendly letters and presents. The Embassy was in- 
tended to negotiate a commercial treaty and to secure other ad- 
vantages for the country. A draft treaty was sent to .Mandalay 
by the British Government, but the King thought it one-sided and 
ejected it. Moreover, he particularly desired that any treaty he 


might make should be witli the Queen-Empress and not with the 
Viceroy of India. 

In the month of Tahodwe 1244 (February 1882), when the King: 
was 34 years of ag^e, all hereditary officials in charge of towns and 
villages (myothugyis and thugyis), whose names were registered 
in the lists or Sittans of the years 1 145 B.E. (1784) and 1 164 B.E. 
(1803), were required to submit fresh papers, showing the reality 
of their hereditary rights and the time they had endured. These 
lists were submitted to the HiutdaTv, which had the power of con- 
firmation or rejection. 

In the month of Tabaung (March) of the same year pagodas 
were erected to note the days of the week on which His Majesty 
and the chief Queen were born. That to the King was put up in 
the Salin Myet-thin quarter, south-east of the city, and was named 
the Lawka Yan-naing pagoda. Two others in honour of the chief 
Queen were erected in the Abyaw-san garden, east of Mandalay hill. 

In the same months titles were bestowed upon the monks, the 
Mala Lingaya and the Shwegyin sadrnvs. The former received 
that of Sasaaa Dhaja Dhamma Siri Dhipadi Maha Dhamma Raja- 
dhiraja Guru and the latter that of jaganahi Dhaja Sasana Pala 
Dhamma SenApati Maha Dhamma Rajadhiraja Guru. These titles 
were bestowed in the Thudhamma temple, where a large number 
of holy men weie assembled and the usual gifts and offerings were 
made to them, .^fle^ the titles had been formally conferred, royal 
orders were read aloud, declaring that these two sada-ws were speci- 
ally charged with the propagation of the Buddhist religion. 

In the same month offerings were ordered to be prepared, which 
consisted of a white umbrella for the Mahamuni image (at the 
Arakan Pagoda; on behalf of the chief Queen, and two other white 
umbrellas for the shrine of the Lawka Marazein (the Kutho-daw, 
where the books of the law are engraved on marble slabs), one for 
the King and the other for the chief Queen. These umbrellas 
were made and ornamented in the mirror room, on the north side of 
the palace. The adornments consisted of lace borders and fringes 
and handle tips encrusted with gold, silver, diamonds, pearls, rubies, 
and coral. The value of each umbrella was estimated at upwards of 
Rs. 80,000. When they were finished the umbrellas were conveyed 
to their destination in solemn procession by the Ministers of State 
and were opened out over the two images. 

During the same month, as the King was desirous of entering 
into a treaty of friendship with the French Government, suitable 
presents for the President of the Republic were prepared and the 
Ahtsin-wun Myothit Myoza, VVunt^yi, Mahazaya Thingyan, was ap- 
pointed chief of the mission, whilst the Wundauk Thangyet, Wun, 



Mingyi Minhla Maha Sithu Kyaw, and the chief writer, Maha 
Minhla Thinkaya, were appointed Assistant Envoys, and all left for 

Also in the same month the Myowun Shwehlanbo Kawlin Myoza 
Mingyxt Maiia Mingauiig Nawra-hia, who was placed in Mong Nai 
(Mon6) on account of the disl<^yalty of Nga Kyi Ngfe, cx-Saubwa 
of Mong Nai, and of Nga Htun, «.x-Myoza of Mong Nawng, Nga 
VVaing, exSaTubwa of Lawk Sawk (Yatsauk), and Nga Pe, ex- 
Myoza of Mong Ping, having rclurncd to the capital, his place was 
taken by the IVimdauk Kutywa Myoza, Mingyi Mingaiing Sithu 
Kyaw, who received command of a force of 1,000 men and went to 
take charge of Mong Nai and to restore peace in the Shan States. 

During this month also 225 ticals of gold were set apart to be 
made into four alms-bowls When these, with stands and covers 
complete, were finishwl, they were conveyed by ihe Ministers of 
the Court to Pakhangyi, where they were deposited as royal offerings 
before the sacred images. 

During the month of 2nd IVaso 1245 (July 1883), when King 
Thibaw was 25 years of age, he called for an eniyneration of 
the slaves in the city, both male and female, and required that 
all slave-owners should produce their bonds before the Hlutdaw, 
showing for what amount of debt each person had been enslaved, 
and how much had been paid towards the liquidation of the debt. 
The owners of the slaves, the slaves themselves, and the persons 
who sold them were summoned and each case was separately en- 
quired into by the judges and specially appointed onicers. The 
King then paid upwards of Rs. 40,000 towards the emancipation 
of a large number of them. Two hundred and forty of these 
became rahans and 1,154 entered monasteries as novices, making a 
total of 1,394 who assumed the yellow robe. To all of these the 
King gave presents of robes and money. Two hundred monks of 
all degrees were then invited to the Thudhamma temple and 
suitable offerings were made to them, and for three days the Princes 
and Ministers of the Court were employed in carrying out the 
necessary details of the ordination ceremony. 

During the month ui March of this year, Maung Hpon, a son of 
the late Eingshemin, who had become a rahan, but was neverthe- 
less watched by a body of 100 men appointed for that purpose, 
conspired with some of these guards to raise a rebellion. Some 
of them, however, betrayed him. An enquiry was held, and Maung 
Hp6n confessed. His monkish robe was then stripped off him and 
he and all who supported him were thrown into prison. 

About the same time, to promote the peace, contentment, pro- 
sperity and happiness of all classes of his subjects, as well as of the 

CHAP', ti.] 



monastic order, the King ordained that the country should be divid- 
ed into ten divisions or knyaifjgs, each division being placed under 
a Kayaing IVttn, or Commissioner. These Commissioners were to 
be chosen with care and were periodically to visit everypart of their 

In the month of Tabaung (March) 1883 both of His Majesty's 
infant daughters died of small-pox, within a few days of each other. 
They were buried in the north garden and monuments were put up 
over their graves. 

The following month a fire broke out in the house of a man 
named Nga To, in the Katna Bumi quarter in the west of the town. 
The lire travelled southwards towards the Kulhinayon pagoda, burn- 
ing the whole series of kyaungs which surrounded it, besides a 
number of others, and then swept on to the temple of the Maha 
Muni (the Arakan pagoda). There it burnt down the temple and 
all the surrounding religious buildings, including the sheds leading 
up to the temple on all four sidts. 

His Majesty paid out Rs. 18,360 to re-build the temple and the 
approach(-s. The work was commended to the care of the Minis- 
ters of the nhitdato and they were instructed to use the utmost 

In the year 1884 there was a most wanton massacre. It was 
thought thai the Myingun Prince, who was then in Pondicherry, 
had designs on the throne of Burma and that he had supporters 
among certain officials in Mandalay. A number of these, who were 
supposed to have sunt messengt rs to him, or to have visited him 
personally, were thrown into prison, where it was hoped they would 
give information against others in order to save themselves. But 
this scheme was elaborated on. There were at the time very many 
men imprisoned on political charges, especially in the ^aol near the 
palace. Secret orders were sent 10 the gaolor to release some of 
the prisoners. While these men were making their way out, an 
alarm of a gaol outbreak was started, shots were fired, and the 
King's troops rushed into the gaol and cut down every one they 
came across. To save trouble with those locked up, the gaol itself 
was set on fire, and this also was a preconcerted signal to the two 
gaols in the town, where all the prisoners were promptly massacred. 
Great numbers of perfectly innocent persons thus lost their lives, 
for no enquiries were made and none were spared. 

During the month of December in the same year the great brazen 
image known as tne Thibya Thiha at Amarapurawas brought from 
there to Mandalay. The conveyance of this image cost tne King 
Rs. 30,000. Its weight in brass was estimated at 3o,ooo vlss. It 
is now in a temple in the Aungnan Yeit-tha quarter of the town. 



Early In the next year a white elephant was brought from Taung- 
ngu. When it reached the capital the streets all the way to the 
palace through which the animal passed were lined with troops, 
and there were great rejoicings alt over the town. On the first 
IVaso (June) 1885 M. Haas came to Mandalay as French 

King Thibaw had now become very unpopular among his sub- 
jects. The massacre of 1884 especially had horrified many of 
them. The establishment of the royal lotteries moreover had im- 
poverished and demoralized the people and the royal exchequer 
was nearly empty. The chief Queen sent the Taingda Afingyi a 
simple order to fill it for her. The Taingda Mingyi hit upon the 
plan of accusing the Bombay Burma Trading Corporation of having 
committed a breach of contract in regard to the working of certain 
teak forests, and fined them arbitrarily the sum of Rs. 23,00,000. 
The Corporation appealed to the Government of India and a remon- 
strance was sent to the King, with the suggestion that the question 
should be referred to arbitration. King Thibaw. however, ignored 
this remonstrance and proceeded to levy the fine by the confiscation 
of timber, elephants, and other property of the CorpocAion. Upon 
this an ultimatum was sent to the King, embodying the following 
provisions: — 

(i) The dispute between the Burmese Government and the 
Bombay Burma Trading Corporation to be settled 
by arbitration, conducted by a British officer and a 
responsible Burmese official. 

(2) The reception at the BuiTnese Court of a British Resi- 
dent under suitable conditions. 

(3) '^^^ foreign relations of the Burmese Government to be 
under the control of the British Government. 

The King sent an unsatisfactory reply and the result was the 
advance of the British troops on Upper Burma. There was some 
fighting at Sinbaungwc, Kanmyo, and Minhla, and the expedition 
arrived before Mandalay on the 28th November 1885. The troops 
disembarked at half past one, marched through the town and sur- 
rounded the city walls. General Prendergast and Colonel Sladen 
entered the palace by the eastern gate and had an interview with the 
King, who surrendered unconditionally. He, with his two queens 
and his infant daughter, the Teit Supaya, were taken to the steamer 
Thooreah and conveyed to Rangoon and thence to India, where 
latterly he has been detained at Ratnagiri. The Taingda Mingyi 
was deported to Cuttack , but was allowed after some years to come to 
Rangoon, where he died in 1 896. 







Thibaw Min, the last King of Burma, was the eleventh of the 
Alaiinqpaya dynasty. The founder, Aung Zeya, began life as a 
farmer, developed into a dacoit, and died Kini;, with his frontier at 
the farthest limits that Burma ever had. The subjoined table 
shows the succession of the Kings of Burma from the time of 
Alaungpaya to the time of the downfall of his dynasty. 

(i) Alaungpaya (1 753— 1 7<k)). 

(3) Sinbyuyin MinUysgyi 

[1763— 1776}. 

(4) Singu Mincnyagvi 
{1776-1781). ■ 

(6] Bodawpya 
(1781— 1819). 

(died before his father). 

(3] Naungdaw MinUyagyi 
760— 1763). 

{5) Paungga Min 
(reigned seven days in 1781.) 

ii) Bagyidawpaya 

(8) Shweba Min (Kin? Tharrawaddi} 

(9) Pagan Min 

(10) Minddn Min 


(11) Thibaw Min 

The early history of Burma is related in the British Burma 
Gazetteer published in 1880. It is sufficient here to recall that 
the first war between England and Burma occurred in the reign of 
Bagyidawpaya, the seventh King of the dynasty, and was termi- 
nated in 1826 by the treaty of Yandabo. The provinces of Arakan 
and Tenasserim were then ceded to the British. Pagan Min, the 




ninth King and the nephew of Bagjridaw, was the ruler at the 
time of the second Burmese war. This was terminated in Decem- 
ber 1852 by a proclamation of Lord Dalhousie's, which annexed 
the province of Pegu to the Indian Empire and fixed the frontier 
at the parallel of latitude 6 miles north of the fort of Myedi, thus 
cutting off the kingdom of Bumvi entirely from ihe sea, and con- 
verting the name of the independent country into Upper Burma, 
as distmguished from British Burnra. 

Almost immediately after the end of the second war, Pagan 
Min was deposed by his brother Mindon Min. Mindon Min was 
above all things anxious for peace, though he did not by any means 
love the British. He was very learned in the literature of his 
country and he was enlightened enough to seek to introduce western 
civilization into his kingdom. He sent Envoy3 to Europe to study 
the arts and manufactures of European nations, and the sons of many 
of the chief Court officials were sent to England, France, and Italy 
to be educated in the languages and acquirements of those countries. 
He also bought a fleet of steamers to ply on the river and built 
numerous factories and workshops in his capital. In this way, and 
having no wars on his hands, he did much to increase the revenue 
and promote the commercial prosperity of the countn.'. The mairt 
facts of his reign are chroniclea in the translation from a Bur- 
mese annalist which appears in the previous chapter. 

The event of chief importance in his reign was the treaty con- 
cluded at Mandalay in 1867 between the British and Burmese 
Governments. This provided for the mutual extradition of cri- 
minals, the free intercourse of traders, the restriction of the royal 
monopolies to earth-oil, timber, and precious stones, and the estab- 
hshment of permanent diplomatic relations between the two coun- 
tries. Under this treaty a British Resident was established in the Up- 
per Burmese capital, with certain civil jurisdiction over cases concem- 
mg British subjects, and a P-^litical Agent subordinate to the Resi- 
dent was stationed at Bhamo. So long as Mindon Min lived, not- 
withstanding that he clung to the obsolete ceremonials to which 
he was accustomed, and thus debarred thr British Resident at Man- 
dalay in his later years from access to his presence, nothing arose 
which gave any reason to apprehend a breach in the good relations 
between England and Burma- 

Mind6n Min died on the ist October 1878, of dysentery, after 
an illness of two months. He was succeeded by the Thibaw 
Prince, his son by the Laungshe Queen, the seventh in rank of the 
queens. The Prince's ng^ nami, or personal name, was Maung Pu. 
He was also called Maung Nyo Sin among his playmates in the palace 
on account of the lightness of his complexion {nyo). The succes- 

CHAP, in.] 


sion was due to an intrigue, details of which from Burmese sources 
are given in Chapter II, and wasentirdy unexpeclod in the country^ 
though as a matter of fact the main details of the plot were car- 
ried out nearly three weeks before the old King died. Of the six 
principal sons of the King, resident in Mandalay at the time, t^o, 
the Nyaung Yan and tliK Nyaiing Ok, got wind of the conspiracy 
and took refuge in the British Residency and the other three were 
close prisoners in the palace for a fortnight before Mindon Min 
died. There seems a probability that the old King knew of the 
cabal wht-n it was too late, and was possibly even induced in his 
weak state of body and mind to acquiesce in it. He seems always 
to have been aFraid to thwart the imperious Alfenandaw Queen, 
who was set on having her dauglitcr's lover, the Thibaw Prince, 
seated on the throne. At the time of his accession the Prince 
was barely 20 years of age, and little was known of him, except 
that he had studied English letters at Doctor Marks' Missionary 
schnul in Mandalay, and had in addition passed creditably as 
patama-pyan in the Buddhist scriptural examination. 

The new King succeeded to the throne perhaps at an unfortu- 
nate time. A revision of the commercial treaty of 1867 had long 
been desired and overtures had actually been made with that ob- 
ject by the Government of India to King Mindon in 1877 and 
1878, but without result. The King had throughout been in the 
habit of evading the object and substantial obligations of the 
treaty without any positive infraction qf the letter. Although no 
articles besides earth oil, teak, and precious stones were declared 
to be royal monopolie?, and although ihe King used lo assert that 
every trader was at liberty to buy whatever he wanted, the real 
fact was that all purchases had to be made from the King himself 
or from his authorized agents. 

The King was by far the largest dealer in produce in his do- 
minions, and, until his dealings were concluded, none of his subjects 
were in a position to transact business with private traders ; more- 
over, an attempt was made to force all dealers in imports to sell 
their goods to the royal brokers, from whom alone, it was pretend- 
ed, the King's subjects were at liberty to purchase what ihey re- 
quired. The merchants of Rangoon compUined frequently and 
strenuously against the persistent and syslen\atic disregard of the 
terms of the treaty by the King, and strong remonstrances upon 
the evasion of its clauses were left as a legacy with the kingdom 
to the young King. 

There had also been several violent outrages committed on 
British subjects in Mandalay during the last few months of King 



Mindon's reign. An aeronaut, Colonel Wyndhani, who was pre- 
paring a balloon (or a show ascent in Mandalay, was barbarously 
ill-treated ; two dhobies, British subjects, were arrested for going 
about at night without a lantern, and put in the stocks, which were 
afterwards raised so that the victims had to support the whole 
weight of their bodies on iheJr hands placed behind their backs to 
avoid dislocation of their ankles ; a captain of one of the Irrawaddy 
Flotilla steamers was put in the stocks for two hours in the rain, 
because he had inadvertently walked across a part of the river 
embankment which was considered sacred; finally, in the first 
month of the King's reign 30 passengers were forcibly removed 
from one of the Flotilla Company's steamers without any WTitten 
authority shown. 

The Indian Government thought the accession of a new king, a 
young king, one whose position might be supposed to be so un- 
stable at home as to make him anxious to be on the most ami- 
cable terms with foreign governments, a favourable opportunity to 
urge a re-adjustment of relations. Accordingly the Resident was 
instructed to adopt a firm attitude and to state plainly that the 
British Government would be prepared to act for the protection of 
British rights and subjects with entire disregard for the inleresls of 
the new Government of Burma. Mr. Shaw, the Resident, accor- 
dingly acted with vigour. He pressed for redress and intimated to 
the Ministers that the general recognition and support of the new 
King by the Government of India would be proportioned in degree 
to his adoption of a new and friendly policy, and especially to the 
degree of access which was allowed to Her Majesty's representative, 
and to the consideration of his position and influence. He met with 
a certain measure of success. The torturers of the dhobies were 
sentenced 10 ten stripes each and to the restitution of twice the 
sum extorted from their luckless victims. The captain of the 
Gateway, who had put Captain Doyle in the stocks, was degraded 
from his post and sentenced to imprisonment, and a notice was 
set up at the Criminal Court that the pohce were not to ill-treat 
Europeans who were subjects of a friendly government. Nothing, 
however, was done in the matter of the " Royal-money-bought 
servants " forcibly taken from the steamer Yankeenfaung, 

Possibly the King may have been led to believe that the British 
Government favoured the Nyaung Yan Prince, then a refugee in 
Calcutta. He may have thought that the Indian Government 
wsihed to provoke a rupture, and for this reason he may have 
thought it well to remove all possible chances of conspiracy within 
his own dominions. However that may be, he suddenly resolved 

IHAP. 111.] 


to do what he could to put an end to chances of civil war. A 
special prison was in process of construction for the captive mem- 
bers of the Royal Family and was well on towards complelion, when 
suddenly, and apparently without the knowledge of the majority 
of the Ministers, the Royal prisoners to the number of 80 were 
brutally put to death inside the palace on the 15th, i6th, and 17th 
February 1879. Details of the massacre from Burmese sources 
are given in the previous chapter. The whole was carried out 
by the personal followers of the King, and the alarm among the 
officials and the people of Mandalay was to the full as great as the 
horror excited in Burma and India. The public and forcible re- 
monstrance of the British Resident against the barbarous execution 
of his own relatives by the King seems, notwithstanding Thibaw's 
English education, to have taken him by surprise. Such executions 
were the usual accompaniments of a change of sovereignty in 
Burma, and especially so when the number of Royal Princes was 
large and the succession had not been previously arranged. In 
a semi-civilized country like Burma the measure at one time was 
absolutely necessary for the peace of the country, and the murder- 
ing of a number of Princes was thought no more of than ihe 
thinning out of a litter of puppies or kittens. King Mind6n left 
30 sons behind him. Thibaw was the youngest practicable suc- 
cessor, and there was probably much more real fear than defiance 
in the massacres. Jealousy was the Queen Supayalai's chief 
characteristic, and her suspicions and fancies were probably more 
responsible for the murder of the Queens and Princesses than any 
idea of public policy. 

Until King Thibaw's accession there had been no European Resi- 
dent in the Burmese capital at the time of a change of kings. Com- 
munications in the old limes had been slow and difficult and those 
fmt out of the way, as no doubt some always were had been much 
ess numerous. When King Thibaw succeeded there was a tele- 
graph line between Mandalay and Rangoon; trading steamers 
came and left several limes in each week, and King Mindon's sons 
were numerous beyond precedent. The outburst of horror and 
indignation which the massacres caus "d, very probably therefore 
astonished the King as much as it alarmed him. This is shown 
by his answer to Mr. Shaw's remonstrance in a letter sent by the 
Kinivun Mhigyi under the King's instructions to explain '* ihe 

and imprisoning), 
pointed outj " was taicen m consideration of 
the past and the future, only when there should exist a cause for 

clearing and keeping by matter" (the kdling 
which action, it was pointed out, " was taken ii 



The Kin-xun MingyVs letter, dated the 20th Febiuary 1879, 
to the Resident at Mandalay ran as Follows : — 

" Having rrcchrrd and carefully perasrd Rrsidcnt's letter, dafd igth 
Krbrtiary 1879, llif Miniftrr intimates thai the royal domininns of fturma 
h«iiig governed by a distinct independent crowned head, should there be 
reason tu fear a disturbance in the country, it is usual for it lo perform 
such acts as, according to it:> uwo views as to advantages or evils in c;oo- 
nexion with church and State iuteresls, it has ;i right to perform according 
to the custom of th^r State. 

"Should there be a matter which witt bring on a disturbance in the 
country, it is not proper to pay attention to whether the action to be taken 
thereon will be the subject of c^nsurr and blame, but it is proper to act 
only according to the interests of charch and State. 

" For the above two reasons, having in mind only the interests of church 
and State, this business has been done according to custom, lliis is 
intimated in conformity with the Oraod Friendship, for Resident to note." 

lndi:?nation among Englishmen at the state of affairs in Manda- 
lay and fear, as well as resentment, in the minds of the King and 
his courtiers combined to render imminent a breach of the friendly 
relations betwetrn the two countries, and a considerable military and 
naval force assembled in Rangoon in the spring of 1879, while the 
Kins^ made a show of warlike preparations and held several " re\-iews" 
of his troops, in the shape of marches round the city walls. Seven 
of the Shan Chiefs were called on to supply levies, guns were 
mounted in the Sa^aing and Shwegyetyet forts, new officers were 
appointed to the army, and the whole force received a month's pay 
in advance. All this, however, was merely due to the excitement of 
the King at his own barbarities, and his alarm at the possible con- 
sequences of his disregard of the remonstrances of the British 
Government, and as time passed on immediate apprehension of war 
gradually passed away. Neverlhless, the tension continued ; attacks 
lyere made by coolies and others on Irrawaddy Flotilla Company's 
steamers i a Madrassi merchant was practically flogged to death 
in prifjon and the personnel of the British Residency was insulted 
on several occasions. Mr. Shaw died of heart-disease in June 1879 
and, after his appointment had been Blled for a short time by an 
officiating Resident, the ^^hole British Agency, staff and establish- 
ment, was formally withdrawn from Mandalay early in October 1879. 
The Indian Government notified its right to appoint another Resi- 
dent at Mandalay whenever it saw 61 to do so, but as lon^ as the 
Burmese Government continued to exist no fresh agent was ap- 

The King almost immediately despatched the Myaunghia Wu«- 
daitk as an Ambassader with a letter and presents to the Governor- 
General of India, but as this Envoy was not accredited with any 




powers he M'as not permitted to proceed beyond Thayetmyo. He 
was in fact merely the bearer of a letter complaining of the removal 
of the British Agency from Mandalay and expressing vaguely a 
desire that friendship should be maintained and that commerce 
should continue. A translation of the letter is given as a sample 
of the style of the royal correspondence, (t is dated the seventh 
of the waxing moon of Tasaungmon 1241 B.E. {21st October 1879, 
about a forinighl after the withdrawal of the Political Agency). 

" The Burmese Sovereign of the Rising Sun, who rules over the country 
of Ibunaparanta and tU'' country of Tambadefja (Thunapar.-»nta — the 
Atirea rcgio of Ptolemy — 'all countries to the north of Ava;' Tamba- 
deepa = 'all countries to the south of Ava't, with all the other great 
dumin-ons and countries and all the umbrella-bearing Chiefs of the cast, 
whose glory is exceeding great and excellciU. the Master of tb« King Ele- 
phant Saddan, the Lord of many white elephants, the Lord of life, the emi- 
uenlly just ruler, writes, O excellent MngHsh Viceroy, who rulcst over th« 
many great countries and nations of India t 

" Writes— 

"At a time when in accordance with the firm and established Grand 
Roval Friendship, which has continuously existed between these two great 
dominions and countries, the Burmese and Knglish Empires, from royal 
faihiT to sno, from royal grandfather to royal grandson, and from royal 
great-grandfather to royal great-grandsou, for a very long period of time, 
the merchants and L-ommon people were buying and selling, trading and 
tiafliclcing, and coming and going 'i peace and quietness, the English 
Political Officer at the Royal Gem City of Mandalay, and three other Offi- 
cers with their escort and establishment, without any special reason, 
suddenly and precipitately quitted the Royal Gem City of Mandalay, ahd 
in consequence the merchants and common people who live within both 
Kinpires have becotne uneasy in ilieir hearts and minds, and their trading 
and trAlTicking have been interrupted and ruined. 

'•Therefore, as a testimony to make nianifest the excellent royal desire 
that instead of this inlerru]>ti<>n and ruin of the buyiuj^ and selling, trading 
and trafficking of the iiiercluints an') common peof)lc living in both Km- 
pires, the merchants and common people: without injury to iheir profit 
or business, and with contented and happy hearts and minds mav con- 
tinue to trade, and go and come, as they have always traded and gone 
and come in times past, and that betw'^n the two great dominions aud 
countries the State of Royal Grand Friendship may by friendly and 
peaceable means be especially strengthened and cstabUs-hed, the H'undauk 
Myoza of Myaunghia, Thiriinahagyawdinra'p, has b^en appointed first 
Ambassador; the Secretary, Mintintheiddir.ija, second Ambassador; the 
Assistanr Secretary, Nemyoniintinraja, third Ambassador, and they have 
been sent and despatched with a Royal Letter and Gifts. 

"When the Royal Ambassadors and officials arrive it will be manifest 
that the King is particularly anxious to maintain, by friendly and peaceable 
means, continuous Royal Grand Friendship between the Burmese Empire 
and the Empire of the English Ruler, Inose two great dominions and 



"The Sovereign of the Rising Sun, the excellent Burmese Ruler, believes 
and expects that, in the same way as he himself desires tliat the mer- 
chants and common people of both Empires should be especially happy and 
prosperous, so the Viceroy will have regard to the interests and the busi- 
ness of merchants and common people, and will well and duly receive the 
Ambassadors and officials who are sent." 

There was reason to believe that the Wundauk was sent as much 
as a spy as in any more creditable capacity. He never got beyond 
Thayetmyo, though in February 1880 he submitted a draft outline 
of a new treaty, which was, however, negatived without discussion, 
and he took back an answer to the effect that the Viceroy had been 
seriously dissatisfied with the position and treatment of the British 
Resident at Mandalay, which had been altogether inconsistent 
with professions of friendship and with the exchang^e of diplomatic 
courtesies. In such circumstances, it appeared incongruous and 
premature to send a complimentary mission to Calcutta, or to 
assume, as the King did, tnat the mission could be received in a 
friendly and honourable manner in Calcutta by the Government of 
India, whose representative had been treated with habitual dis- 
courtesy in Mandalay. 

The Wundauk, who had a fancied resemblance to the Pope and 
was therefore known in British Burma as Pio l^ono, returned with 
this message to his master, was disgraced, and shortly afterwards 

An embassy visited Simla in 1882, but the attempt to re-establish 
cordial relations did not even result in a semblance of a return to 
a satisfactory footing. The King abruptly recalled his envoy while 
negotiations were going on, and there was no real restoration of 
confidence or good feeling as long as Thibaw remained King. 
There were scuffles on board the Irrawaddy Flotilla Company's 
steamers ; a mail steamer from Mandalay had its starting gear 
taken away and was detained for the greater part of a day, while 
the Captain was confined on the plea that the safety of the 
steamer might be endangered by an abortive attempt which the 
Nyaung 6k Prince, escaped from Calcutta, made to start a rising 
against the King on the Thayetmyo borders. The Nyaung Ok 
Prince's escapade was a very awkward circumstance, and the 
Burmese undoubtedly firmly believed that we were to blame for his 
proceedings. A forma] request was actually made by the Mandalay 
Ministers for the extradition of the Prince and bis followers on a 
charge of dacoity. This was refused on the ground that inter- 
national law and custom forbade the delivery of political offenders. 
A claim for compensation for damage done to the extent of Rs. 
55,800 was also made, but was rejected, and the Burmese Govern- 
ment was referred to the Civil Courts. It was seriously considered 

CHAP, ml] 



whether the British Goveniment should not formally withdraw from 
the Treaties of 1862 and 1867, and this course was only not re- 
sorted to because the Government of India was loatl> to precipi- 
tate the crisis which was inevitable. Matters gradually drifted from 
bad to worse. British subjects, travellers and traders from Lower 
Burma, were subjected to insolence and violence by local officials 
in Upper Burma. Representations made to the King's Govern- 
ment were often absolutely without result as far as redress was 
concerned, and what redress was obtained was always unsatisfactory. 
In contravention of the express terms of the Treaty of 1867 mono- 
polies were created to the detriment of the trade of both England 
and Burma, with great resulting derangement of the commerce and 
revenue of British Burma. In Upper Burma the weakness and 
corruption of the Government resulted in the complete disorganiz- 
ing of the country. Bands of dacoits preyed at will on the people. 
There were risings in the Shan States and raids on the King's 
lowland territories north of Mandalay. The elements of disorder 
on the Lower Burma frontier steadily increased and became a 
standing menace to the peace of ihe British provinces. The 
Taingda AtivifiTvun and the Shwetaik Mingyi were admittedly in 
collusion with bands of dacoits, shared their profits, and prevented 
their arrest. A force of about 1,500 men ravaged almost undis- 
turbed north of Mandalay- The Sagalng district was so infested 
with dacoits, and these marauders were so bold, that they sent a 
formal challenge to the King's troops to come to fight at Myinrau. 
The Wun of Sale wa? attacked in his own Court in broad daylight 
by dacoits and narrowly escaped with his life. Magwe was plundered 
and set fire to, and the myothugyi murdered. Bhamo was cap- 
tured and held by a handful of Chinese marauders. The Shan 
States were involved in a confused civil war, which did not cease 
till after the British occupation. At the same rime the Burmese 
showed a marked and persistent anxiety to enter into alliances 
with foreign powers, in such a manner and to such an extent as to 
give ground for apprehension that grave political trouble might be 
the ultimate consequence. 

The Indian Government was unrepresented at Mandalay, but 
representatives of Italy and France were welcomed, while the King's 
Government contested the demarcation of Manipur and threatened 
to pull down the boundary pillars and a stockade erected by 
Colonel Johnston. Two separate Burmese Embassies were sent 
to Europe, one under the guise of a merely commercial mission for 
the purpose of contracting new and, if possible, close alliances with 
sundry European powers. Neither of these missions visited 
England or showed any desire to win the friendship of the repre- 




sentatives of the British Government residing at the Courts to 
which the Burmese Envoys were accredited. Monsieur Ferry 
admitted to Lord Lyons that it was quite true that the Burmese 
desired to throw themselves into the arms of France, but said iha.t 
the Republic had no intention of forming an alliance, offensive and 
defensive, with Burma, or any alliance whatever of a special 
character. The Burmese had asked for a secret treaty and par- 
ticularly had demanded facilities for procuring arms, but to all such 
requests the French Government had turned a deaf ear. 

Meanwhile another massacre in Mandalay, disguised under the 
name of a jail outbreak, roused the horror of all and the fears of the 
Rangoon merchants that trade would be ruined. The term jail 
outbreak seems to have been a concession to European sentimen- 
tality. The massacre was really due to fears of a supposed intrigue 
carried on in the interests of the Myingun Prince, who had escaped 
from his place of detention at Benares and made his way first to 
Chandemagore and then to Pondicherry. To get rid of the few 
remaining members of the Royal Family and to scare conspirators, 
a pretended escape from jail was arranged and between 200 and 
300 persons, including two Princes and many women and children 
of rank^ were shot and cut down with das, and the details of the 
massacre were as horrible in every way as those of 1879. 

Early in the following year the King pushed still farther his 
negociations with France. Two heads of agreement were formally 
drawn up. The first provided for the construction of a railway 
between Mandalay and the British frontier at Toungoo at the joint 
expense of the French Government and a company to be formed 
for the purpose. 

The capital was to be two and a half millions sterling, the line 
was to be completed in seven years, and the concession was to last 
for seventy, at the end of which period the railway was to become 
the property of the Burmese Government. Interest was fixed at 
the high rate of 90 per cent, per annum and its payment was 
secured by the hypothecation of the river customs and earth-oil 
dues of the kingdom. 

The second document gave the terms for the establishment by 
the French Government and a company of a bank with a capital 
of two and a half crores of rupees. Loans were to be made to the 
Burmese King at the rate of i 2 per cent, per annum, and other 
loans at 18 per cent. The bank was to issue notes, and to have 
the management of the ruby mines and the monopoly of pickled 
tea, and was to be administered by a Syndicate of French and 
Burmese ofEcIals. 




Both these agreements are believed to have been actually con- 
cluded and signed in Mandalay and were *o*be laken by the 
Thangyet IVundauk, who spoke French fluently, to Paris for com- 
pletion there. If they had been ratified, the French Government or 
a Syndicate, on which the French Government would have been 
represented, must have acquired full control over the principal 
sources of revenue of Upper Burma, the river-borne trade, the only 
railway line in the King's dominions, and the only route open for 
traffic from British ports to Western China. 

These consequences must have been disastrous to British in- 
terests in Lower Burma, and a strong remonstrance was in course 
of preparation by the Government of India, when a still more direct 
cause of complaint arose in the treatment by the Burmese Govern- 
ment of the Bomby Burma Trading Corporation, a company of 
merchants, chiefly British subjects, who had extensive dealings in 
Upper Burma. The Corporation had been working the Ningyan 
teak forests under three separate contracts : the contract of 1880, 
by which the Corporation undertook to pay the King for all timber 
extracted from the forests at fixed rates per log ; the contract of 
1882^ by which the Corporation undertook to pay a lump-sum of one 
lakh annually for the right to extract the inferior and undersized 
timber (*.*?., unsound timber and timber under 4^ feet in girth and 
18 feet in length), which they were entitled to reject under the lease 
of 1 88 1 ; and, thirdly, the contract of 1883, by which the Corpor- 
ation undertook to pay a lump-sum of 3^ lakhs annually from Octo- 
ber 1 884 for all superior timber, and one lakh annually for all inferior 
timber, extracted from the forests. The Burmese Government 
confused the contracts together, counted thousands of logs twice 
over, accused the Corporation of bribing the Governor of Ningyan 
(now Pyinmana), endeavoured to persuade the Corporation's forest- 
ers to come to give false evidence in Mandalay, tried the case with- 
out giving the Corporation proper opportunities for defence, issued 
judgment ordering the Corporation to pay to the King, by way of 
duly and fine, sums aggregating over 23 lakhs of rupees, and to 
the foresters sums aggregatmg about five lakhs of rupees, and pro- 
fessed to have based their decision entirely on figures obtained from 
the British Forest office in Toungoo. All logs contained in these 
lists were considered to be full-sized, no account was taken of the 
lump-sum contracts, and the money totals were wrongly added up to 
the extent of Rs. 60,000 in the King's favour. The King was 
asked by the Chief Commissioner to refer the matter to impartial 
adjudication and to refrain in the meantime from taking final action 
against the Corporation. A letter was sent in reply refusing to 
entertain any proposal for arbitration and stating indirectly that on 



no account whatever would there be suspension of the order passed 
in the case. At the same time it appeared that the French Consul 
in Mandalay had offered to take up the contracts for the Ningyan 
forests. It may be specially emphasized that the British Govern- 
ment was careful not to assert that the fine imposed was unjust. 
There is little doubt that the Burmese had some causes of complaint 
against the Bombay Burma Trading Corporation, but these were not 
commensurate with the fine imposed. The rupture occurred be- 
cause the Burmese refused to allow any enquiry as to the justness 
of the fine. 

Under these circumstances, the Government of India resolved to 
take this opportunity to place future relations with King Thibaw 
upon a more satisfactory basis. Accordingly the Chief Commis- 
sioner was instructed to send to the King ol Burma an ultimatum 
containing three demands, which were briefly as follows: — 

*'(i) That an Envoy from the Viceroy and Governor-General 
should be suitably received at Mandalay and that the dispute with 
the Bombay Burma Corporation should be settled in communi- 
cation ^-ith him. 

" (2) That all action against the Trading Corporation should be 
suspended until the Envoy arrived. 

" (3) That for the future a diplomatic agent from the Viceroy 
should be allowed to reside at Mandalay, with proper securities for 
his safety, and should receive becoming treatment at the hands of 
the Burmese Government." 

Failing the acceptance of these demands, it was announced that 
the British Government would take the settlement of the matter 
into its own hands, without any further attempt to prolong fruitless 
negotiations, and it was added that the Burmese Government would 
in future be required to regulace the external relations of the country 
in accordance with the advice of the Government of India and to 
afford facilities for opening up British trade with China. These 
latter demands did not, however, form an essential part of the ulti- 
matum, but were left to be explained by the British Agent after his 
arrival in Mandalay. Nothing more than a general acquiescence in 
the principle of these two requirements was asked for. 

A letter embodying these terms was despatched by special 
steamer to Mandalay on the 22nd October 1885, the Burmese Gov- 
ernment was Informed that a reply must be received not later than 
the loth November and that, unless the three conditions laid down 
were accepted without reserve, the Indian Government would deal 
with the matter as it thought fit. In view of the possible refusal by 
the Burmese Government of the terms offered, preparations were 




made for the despatch to Rangoon of a military force of 10,000 
men. On the 9th November a reply amounting to anuncondltiona! 
refusal of the terms was received in Rangoon. It ran as follows :— 

" Minister (for Foreign Affairs] has received the teller, dated the 22nd 
October 1885, corresponding with 14th waxing Thadingyut 1247, sent by 
the Chief Commissioner's Secretary, Symes The cnntents of the letter 
have been considered by the Ministers and nobles constituting the Burmese 
Government in full Council, and this is their reply to the several points 
contained in it — 

*' (:) The judgment passed against the Bombay Burma Company decreeing 
the payment of a fine in connexion with their forest case was not passed 
by the Burmese Government in an arbitrary mannrr. In consideration of 
the fact that they (the defendants) were of Knglish race, the records of an 
English Forest office were taken as a basis and the judgment was passed 
in accordance with the laws of the State on the merits of the case. This 
has already been intimated in previous letters to the Chief Commissioner. 

2. "His Majesty (titles) was informed that under a judgment passed in 
this manner against the Bombay Burma Company a sum of 23 lakhs and 
upwards, including the punishment for excess exportation of timber, had to 
be levied from them and paid into the Royal Treasury, and His Majesty 
was pleased to say that, although the judgment was one passed in confor- 
mity with the laws of the State, yet, taking iuto consideration the fact that 
the Bombay Burma Company bad served for many years working the 
Toungoo forests and paying revenue, and that they would continue to 
serve hereafter for the mutual benefit of both countries ; that if the Bombay 
Burma Company presented a petition on the subject of the money decreed 
in the judgment against them, he would be pleased to look after and assist 
foreign merchants so that they should not suffer any hardships. Therefore, 
with reference to the first and second points of letter No. 438, regarding 
the Bombay Burma Company's forest case, the need for discussion or nC' 
gotiation between ihc two Governments is at an end. 

" 3. With reference to the appointment of a Diplomatic Agent, the 
Burmese Government, through their wish to maintain friendly relations 
between the twn countries, did not act in such a way as to restrict or put 
to hardship the British Agent formerly stationed at Mandalay, and yet he 
left of his own accord, and there has been no Agent since. If the British 
Government wish in future to re-establish an Agent, he will be permitted 
reside and come in and go out as in former times. With reference to the 
second point in the fifth paragraph of the letter, respecting assistance be 
given for the promotion of British trade with China, the friendly relations 
between two countries arc based on assistance to be rendered for the 
Increase of trade and of exports and imports from one country to the 
other. If, therefore, merchants and traders, whether of English or other 
race, ask the Burmese Government to endeavour to facilitate trade and 
the increase of exports and imports with China, they will be assisted in 
conformity with the customs of the land. 

"4. With reference to the first point in the fifth paragraph of the letter 
about the future regulation of the foreign relations of Burma, the Chief 
Commissioner is informed that the internal and external affairs of an iade- 



pendent separate State are regulated and controlled in accordance with 
the customs and laws of that State. Friendly relations with France, Italy, 
and other States have been, are being, and will be maintained. Therefore, 
in determining the question whetlier or not It is proper that one Govern- 
ment alone should make any such claim, the Burmese Governmeat can follow 
the joint decision of the three States, France, Germany, and Italy, who arc 
friends of both Governments, and Minister is confident that the Britlsji 
Government will be of the same mind au the Burmese Government on this 

This letter was unconditional enough in its refusal of the terms 
of the ultimatum and it was followed by open defiance. On the 
7th November, three days after the Burmese Minister's letter had 
been written, and two days before it had been received by the Chief 
Commissioner, King Thibaw issued the following proclamation : — 

" To all town and village thugyis, Heads of cavalry, Heads of the 
daings. Shield-bearers, Heads of jails, Heads of gold and silver revenues, 
Mine-workers, Settlement (Officers, Heads of forests, and to all Royal sub- 
jects and inhabitants of the Koyal Empire. 

''Those heretics, the English kala barbarians, having most harshly 
m'adc demands calculated to bring about the injury and destruction of our 
religion, the violation of our national traditions and customs, and the 
degradation of our race, are making a show and preparation as if about to 
wage war with our State. They have been replied to in conformity with 
the usages of great nations and in words which are just and regular. If, 
notwithstanding, these heretic kalas should come and in any way attempt 
to molest or disturb the State, His Majesty, who is watchful that the inter- 
ests of our religion and our State shall not safTcr, will himself march forth 
with his Generals, Captains, and Ueutenants, with large forces of in- 
fantry, artillery, elcphanterie, and cavalry, by land and by water, and with 
the might bf his army will efface these heretic kalas and conquer and 
annex their country. All Royal subjects, the people of the country, are 
enjoined that they are not to be alarmed or disturbed on account of the 
hostility of these heretic kalas, and they are not to avoid them by quit- 
ting the country. 

'* They are to continue to carry on their occupations as usual in a peace- 
ful and ordinary manner ; the local oRicial;; are to be watchful, each in his 
own town or village, that it is free from thefts, dacoitics, and other crime; 
the Royal troops to hv sent forth will not be collected and banded to- 
gether as formerly by forcibly pressing into service all such as can be 
obtained, but the Royal troops who are now already handed into reg^i- 
ments in Mandalay will be sent forth to attack, destroy, and annex. The 
local officials shall not forcibly impress into service any one who may not 
wish lo serve. To uphold the religion, to uphold the national honour, 
to uphold the country's interests, will bring about threefold good : good 
of our religion, good of our master, and good of ourselves, and will gain 
for us the notable result of placing us in the path to the celestial regions 
and to nehban, the eternal rest. Whoever, therefore, is willing to join 
and serve zealously will be assisted by His Majesty with royal rewards 
and royal money, and be made to serve in the capacity for which he may 

CHAP, ni.] 



be fit, Loyal officials are to make enquires for volunteers and others who 
may wish to serve, and are to submit lists of them to their respective Pro- 
vincial Governments. 

" Order of the Ministers of the Hlutiiaw (names follow). On the 7th 
November 1895, Burmese date recorded by the Wetmasut IVunduttk-daw. 
Issued by Secretary Mahamintin-minhla-sithu." 

On the 3rd December King Thibaw, the queens, and the Queen 
mother with their retinue left Mandalay prisoners on board the 
steamer Thooriali, and on the loth of the same month the King 
left Rangoon for Madras, whence he was sent to Ranipet, and 
afterwards to the old Portuguese fort of Ralnagiri on the Western 
Coast of India. The march on Mandalay hardly deserved the 
name of a \var. The pace of the expeditionary force was deter- 
mined rather by the question of transport than by the resistance 
or evolulioiis of the enemy. The frontier was crossed on the 14th 
November 1 885. There was a slight brush when Minhia was captur- 
ed on the 1 7th ; Pagan on the 23rd and Myingyan on the 25th were 
occupied by force of arriving there, and before Ava was reached 
an Envoy from the Burmese Court came down the river and, after 
some negotiation, the unconditional surrender of the capital and of 
the Royal Family was arranged. The collapse of thekmgdom and 
dynasty was dramatic in its suddenness. 

Our losses were very slight: at the taking of Minhia Lieutenant 
R, A. T. Drury and three sepoys were killed and Major MacNeill 
and Lieutenants Young, Wilkinson, and Sillery were wounded, 
besides' 23 sepoys. At Myingyan much firing on the part of the 
Burmese resulted in the wounding of two men of the Naval Brigade. 

From the military point of view the scheme, so far as the cap- 
ture of Mandalay and the deportation of King Thibaw were con- 
cerned, was an unqualified success. The normal state of the 
Burmese was one of utter unpreparedness and their army at the 
time of the invasion probably did not exceed 15,000. Immediate 
vigorous action was therefore as certain of success as the event 
proved. The only rapid line of advance was up the river over a 
distance of 300 miles. The river was easily defensible by smalt 
numbers, on comparatively short notice, if the right course were 
adopted. The channel could have been obstructed and the river 
barred to the advance of the fleet and, if this had been done, there 
would have been a complete check, and arrangements for land 
transport would have implied weeks and perhaps months of delay. 
The Burmese knew this and had made some preparations to block 
the river, both close to the frontier and at Ava, but they were loo 
late. The British Military preparations were complete and the 
coup was brought off with the most absolute success. National 



resistance was utterly paralysed and, if the deportation of King 
Thibaw had been followed up at once by the disarmament of the 
Burmese army and the occupation of the country, so as to secure 
law and order, it is probable that the last Burmese war would have 
been as cheap in money, expense, and in expense of human life as 
its beginning promised. Bui two causes prevented this. In the 
first place ihe expeditionary force was much too small to occupy 
Upper Burma and, secondly, the question of the future of the 
country was not decided on for some considerable time. The 
result was that local resistance had time to be organized. The 
Burmese army was left practically intact both in numbers and in 
armament, but it had no one to guide it and, worse still, no means 
of support. Consequently the several detachments scattered over 
the country were left to shift for themselves and commenced sup- 
porting themselves at the expense of the inhabitants of their 
immediate neighbourhood. That was the ordinary course of things 
with a Burmese army and it naturally in the end led to professional 

General Prendergast's flotilla reached Mandalay on the morning 
of the 28th November, the 14th day after the crossing of the 
frontier. Great numbers of people lined the bank to gaze on the 
arrival of the British force, but no Minister, or official of any kind, 
made his appearance. The Ktnwttfi Afitigyi was sent for, but had 
not arrived up to half past one o'clock, so the troops, who had been 
disembarked in the meantime, set out for the palace, 4 miles 
distant. With bands playing and colours flying they marched 
through the suburbs and surrounded the city walls. Colonel 
Sladen and General Prendergast, with an escort, rode in at the 
Eastern gate of the palace, and the Political Officer sought out the 
King and received his complete submission. Thibaw surrendered 
everything — his country, his treasures, himself — to the British, and 
only begged that his life might be spared, and that he might be 
allowed to live in Mandalay, which was the only place in the world 
that he knew, for he had probably never been 5 miles beyond its 
limits in all his life. 

This formal surrender was made in the presence of the military 
force in a summer-house (afterwards converted into the Mandalay 
Gymkhana) in the palace gardens, outside the ffmannandav. 
He sat on a carpet in the verandah, dressed in a plain white jacket 
and wearing a waisl-clolh and turban chequered white and pink. 
The whole body of Ministers crouched on the ground to his right. 
The British Officers with the British flag were in a group to his 
left — the place of honour with the Chinese and Indo-Chinese — but 




also on the ground. Twenty paces in front were drawn up the 
long: line of British soldiers. The queens and a few servants were 
stationed behind the King. The sun was low in the sky as Colonel 
Sladen and the General went up to the King. General Prendergast 
shook hands with His Majesty, the first person who had ever gone 
through such a ceremony with a Burmese monarch. The King was 
asked whether he was ready to leave the palace, and said that he 
was. He begged that he might have a steamer to himself and 
that Colonel Sladen would accompany him. The steamer was 
ready for him, though the Political Officer's company was an im- 
possibility, but how to get King Thibawto the steamer was a more 
immediate question. An elephant was likely to be scared by the 
troops ; three miles walk was a thing the King had never under- 
taken in all his life. Finally a dhooli was suggested and accepted 
by the King in ignorance of what such a conveyance might be. He, 
however, showed no signs of being in a hurry td go and asked for 
ten minutes to prepare himself for departure. He asked who 
would follow him and the Taingda Mingyi immediately volunteered 
to go and so did another ofTiclal. The Kinwun Mtngyi said he 
would also go, when he was directly asked by the King, but showed 
no great pleasure at being asked Still the King lingered, and it 
was not till Colonel Sladen and \wo Staff Officers entered the 
summer-house and stood over him that he rose from his carpet. 
Colonel Sladen helped the ladies down and the two Staff Officers 
placed themselves one on each side of the King, a new experience 
which urged him into going down the steps. A procession was then 
formed, headed by the General, behind whom came the British 
flags and the Staff. The Taingda Mingyi followed in their wake 
and then under four white umbrellas, clasping (he hands of his two 
wives, one on either side, came the deposed King. The Queen- 
mother followed and then came a mass of attendants carrying the 
royal baggage, followed up by the British troops. 

At the Hall of Audience a short halt was made and then the 
party descended the broad steps lined by troops and passed across 
the esplanade to the taga-ni. At this gate, once open only to the 
Royal Family and lo the highest Ministers of State, now thrown 
wide to all the world, King 'Ihibaw paused and took his last look at 
the palace spire paling in the last rays of ihe setting sun. The 
next moment he was confronted by the dhooli prepared for him. 
Into this he point blank refused to get and eventually was jolted 
down in a bullock cariiage. Two regiments of Native Infantry led. 
Then came a screw gun battery, followed by the King shaded by 
white umbrellas and guarded by fixed bayonets and succeeded by 
a European regiment. Bands clashed, regimental colours fluttered 






The instructions to the Upper Burma Field Force were to occupy 
Mandalay and to dethrone King Thibaw. The expedition was there- 
fore not a regular invasion of the country and nothing was settled 
as to the future administration of the kingdom. Provisionally, ad- 
ministrative and executive powers were given to General Prendergast 
as commanding the army of occupation ; in other words, the country 
was under martial law, as a temporary measure, after we liad actu- 
ally taken over the government of the country. Unfortunately, the 
changes of Ministry at home in 1885 and 1886 and the unsettled slate 
of politics prevented the Home Government from at once entering 
into the subject and deciding the future of Upper Burma without 
delay. Mr. (afterwards Sir Charles) Bernard, the Chief Commis- 
sioner of Lower Burma, arrived in Mandalay on the J5th December 
1885, and one step in advance was made when he took over the ad- 
ministration of the country from General Prendergast. From that 
date, in name at all events, the whole country ceased to be admi- 
nistered by martial law. Consequent on the Chief Commissioner's 
arrival in Mandalay, the following proclamation was issued at Cal- 
cutta by order of the Viceroy on the ist January 1886: — 

" By command of the Queen-Empress, it is hereby notiHed that the ter- 
ritories formerly governed by King Thibaw will no longer be under his rule, 
but have become part of Her Majesty's dominions, and will, during Her 
Majesty's pleasure, be administered by such officers as the Viceroy and 
Governor-General may from time to time appoint." 

Civilians were thus ordered to assist in the pacification of the coun- 
tr)', but still the final form in which it was to be administered was not 
decided on. There were four methods possible for the re-establish- 
ment of order and government in the kingdom of Burma. It might 
have been declared a buffer State. Under this arrangement the 
Alaungpaya dynasty would have remained on the throne ; the ruling 
Prince like the Amir of Afghainstan, would have been perfectly in- 
dependent in matters of internal administration, and all that we should 
have required would have been the right to supervise his external re- 
lations. In fact, he would have become what King Thibaw would 
have remained if he had accepted our original proposals, an autocratic 



though confederated sovereign. The shadowy claims of other na- 
tions, however, rendered this a contrivance of more than doubtful 
utility. The next alternative was that of maintaining Upper Bunna 
as a fully protected State, with a native dynasty and native officials, 
but under a British Resident, who should exercise a certain control 
over the internal administration, as well as over its relations with 
foreign powers. Upper Burma would thus have assumed the status 
of many of the Native States in India Proper. But the character of 
Burmese Princes, with their lofty conceptions of supenority to all 
created beings, would have made it necessar)- to maintain siKh a ruler 
as a mere puppet. A puppet king of the Burmese type would have 
proved a very expensive, troublesome, and contumacious fiction. 
Moreover, there were only two Princes of the Royal House who 
were available. The Nyaung Olc, who was in Bengal, was unpo- 
pular in Burma and was of a character unsatisfactory in ever)* way. 
He would have been a most refractory puppet. The other was the 
Myingun Prince, then in Pondicherry. He fulfilled all the condi- 
tions of royal descent in both father and mother and his abilities 
were at any rate respectable. Bui the chief event of his life, while 
he was at large, was that he tried to kill his father, Mindon Min, 
and succeeded in killing his uncle, the Eingshemin. 

The only remaining alternative to annexation was to set up a 
grandson of King Mindon, such as a minor son of the late Nyaung 
Yan Prince, with British Officers to administer the Slate in his name 
and on his behalf, until he should come of age, perhaps 15 years 
later ; but it was at once apparent that this would have imposed all 
the trouble, anxiety, and cost of a British occupation, without secur- 
ing any corresponding advantages in the present, while we should 
have committed ourselves in the future to a probable disappoint- 

Consequently nothing but annexation remained. It was the only 
course which could secure the peace and prosperity of Upper Burma 
and of our own imperial and commercial interests. From the isl 
of March therefore Upper Burma was incorporated in British India 
by command of Her Majesty and, with the exception of the Shan 
States, was constituted a scheduled district under Statute XXXiU 
Victoria, Cap. 3. 

For over three months therefore the government of the country 
remained purely provisional and was vested first in General Prender- 
gast, then in Mr. Bernard, and then in Lord Dufferin up to the i st of 
March 1886. During this time our efforts were directed rather to 
check the prevailing and increasing lawlessness than to stamp it 
out, and in any case General Prendergast's force, which numbered 



about 10,500 men only, was quite inadequate to occupy a country 
covering 75,000 square miles. Experience had proved that it was 
not enough to attack and disperse the dacoit bands ; if ihey were 
to be prevented from re-assembling, the affected country had to be 
closely occupied. It was evident therefore that large reinforce* 
ments were necessary, but by this time the season in which exten- 
sive operations could be undertaken was nearly over. Two months 
of hot weather, April and May, remained ; after that the rains com- 
menced and that was no time to commence active operations with 
new troops in a country where a great part was impenetrable jungle, 
and even in the more thickly populated districts no proper roads or 
bridges existed, and the numerous rivers and streams overflowed and 
flooded large tracts for weeks at a time. There was no regular 
organized enemy in the field against whom operations could be 
directed, and therefore there was no particular object in requiring 
the concentration of large masses of troops, but the country gen- 
erally was overrun by armed bands. Practically throughout the 
rains of 1886 the dacoits were not sought out and attacked by us, 
but were only being driven off when their attitude was threatening. 

The extension of British influence and the reduction to order of 
parts of districts remote from headquarters were therefore only 
gradually effected. The very suddenness of the overthrow of the 
Burmese King militated against the peace of the country. Bands 
of men ordered out for the defence of the kingdom had hardly 
been raised before the King himself was deported. These bands 
became rebels almost as soon as they fancied themselves to be 
soldiers. They had assembled to fight for their King, but before 
they could fight there was no king left to fight for, and their very 
gaihermg together consiitutcd them, according to their notions, 
rebels, and already liable to punishment by the new Government. 
In the greater part of the country there was no one to disarm them ; 
those met at Ava and Mandalay were unfortunately not di.sarmed 
and formally disbanded. The ahmudany equally with the levies, 
therefore, readily gathered round malcontent Princes, or persons 
calling themselves Prince.% such as the Myinzalng Prince; the so- 
called Chaunggwa Princes, Saw Van Naing (or Teik Tin D6k) and 
Saw Yan Paing; Maung (or Teik Tin) Hmat, a cousin of King 
Thibaw's; the Limbin Prince in the Shan States; the Kyun Nyo 
Mimha, a pretender who was very soon killed by another armed 
band in Sagaing ; the Kyimyindaing Prince, an Upper Burma im- 
postor; the Shwegyobyu Prince, who had been a vaccinator in 
Lower Burma ; and charlatans and adventurers who went by the 
names of Buddha Yaza, Thinka Yaza, Dhamma Yaza, or Setkya 



£'x-officials who fancied they were defending their country met 
with an equally easily securtid following, such as Hkan Hlalng, for- 
mer Myoza of Mohlaing ; Kyaw Gaung. ex-fr«K of Tal6k*myo ; ihe 
Zt' IVun of Yam^thin ; the Theingon Thugyi ; the Windawhfnu U 
Paung ; Maung Gyi ; Myal Umon ; Bo Swfe and Shwe Yan ; and 
many others whose names (or a time made a stir. Monks too, who 
claimed to be defending the national faith, were no less successful ; 
such were U Oktama, U Parama, the Mayanchaung pongyi, and 
a long list of p6ngyi bos. By far the greater number, however, f 
joined the dacoit leaders who were already at the head of bands and " 
had been preying on the country for years before King Thibaw's fall. 
Of these leaders, who eventually drew lo them all the n.en in amis, 
and converted what were at first rebels or fancied patriots into 
dacoits, who were enemies of the public peace and of the country at 
large, rather than directly of the British Government, the most 
prominent were Hla U, who persistently eluded attack and held his 
own on the borders of Ye-u, Sagalng, Shwebo, and the C hind win 
districts ; Bo Po T6k, who had been the Taingda Mingy^s jackal 
and freebooter in Ava and for long paid him a handsome revenue ; 
Maung Cho in the Pagan neighbourhood ; Nga To and Nga Yaing 
in the islands of the Irrrawaddy above Mandalay and Nga Zeya in 
the hilly country north of the capital; Kyaw Zaw in the Kyauks6 
district and the outskirts of the Shan States; Yan Nyun, who had 
been a Myingaung in the Myingyan district; and many others of 
more or less note. In addition to the bands already assembled 
when the news of the annexation arrived and all semblance of 
obedience to headquarters disappeared, whether to the Hhttdaw 
during the interregnum, or, from ist January 1886, to the British 
Government, every little group of villages elected its own bo to 
protect it from its neighbours, or to attack them. The greater 
number acted quite independently of each other in resistance to the 
British, They preyed <.n villages which had submitted to us and 
on rival iw' villages wlih perfect impartiality and, except some 
few, who made speedy submission, became the perpetually renewed 
dacoit leaders, whom it took three years to suppress. 

A connected history of the operations is an impossibility, but 
some sort of record seems due to those who lost their lives in the 
settlement of the country. It cannot be anything but disjointed 
and it must be taken year by year and district by district. ■ 

Upper Burma, exclusive of the Shan States, may be regarded as 
consisting of four parts, which roughly correspond with the present _ 
administrative divisions The first is the valley of the Irrawaddy ■ 
above its junction with the Chindwin ; the second is the basin of the 
Chindwin ; the third is the valley of the Sittang with the uplands of 


FrssT Till itm. 



urth the basin of the Irrawaddy 
^..u»,,i to the boundary with Lower 
4fei« the same dacolt bands operated 
therefore a certain amonnt of con- 
- this as far as possible in the nar- 
ates, which proved the eventual re- 
lied, will be treated of separately. 
ims first notice. Immediately after 
,on, the town, with as much of the 
imfi district as could be controlled from 
charge of the late Mr. T. F. Fforde, 
f Police, assisted in the administra- 
■ Myowuns (U He Si, now a C.I.E., 
i ii)i(iank) who had long been connected 
nment of Maiidalay, and from the first 
ii Officers under whom they were placed, 
^late Council under Colonel Sladen's presi- 
1 over the Mandalay otTicials. But towards 
er 1885 the capital and adjacent districts were 
harge of the lilutdaw and placed directly under 
l.arly in January Colonel C. H. E. Adamson as- 
'I (he whole district. The introduction of order in 
wn was no lie;ht task. Under the Royal Govcrn- 
lalion of the city and much of the population of the 
1 of ofhcials, hangers-on of the Court, and soldiers, 
ority of these were thrown out of employment by 
. ihe form of the administration, and, as a natural 
»ce, many elements of disorder existed and much intrigue 
■A\ carried on. Dacoities and robberies, which had been 
lu the time of the Burmese Government, continued to be 
led. But by degrees the police of the town were able to 
and break up many gangs of robbers and to reduce the 
- order. The hot months of March and April were marked 
' occurrence of destructive fires in the town and in the walled 
now called Koit Uufferin. Some of these, no doubt, were the 
ik of incendiaries, but many were certainly accidental, and 
indalay was always noied for its great firesj which was not sur- 
ising in a t<'wn almost entirely built of mat-houses with thatch 
nofs. About 8co houses out of a total of 5,^00 within the city 
walls were burnt in 1S86, and between 2,000 and ^,500 out of a 
total of 34,000 in the town outside. In April occurred the only 
attempt at an organized outbreak. Some 30 or 40 persons, who 
professed to be adherents of the Mylngun Prince, were concerned 
in it. In the early morning they rushed a police-station, cut down 




two or three of the policemen, killed a harmless European Apothe- 
cary who was walking to the hospital, and set fire to some houses 
in the city, while confederates fired others outside the city wall. 
The dacoits fled immediately before the troops and poUce. and it 
was only later that some of the ringleaders were caught and pun- 
ished. Apart from the destruction of property, which was con- 
siderable, and the loss of life, the affair was only noteworthy as 
showing the daring of the dacoits, for Mandalay at the time 
was held by some 1,000 troops with several outlying detachments. 

The early fall of rain at the end of April stopped fires, and from 
that time the town was steadily reduced to a state of order. This 
was tested severely by a disaster in August. The Irrawaddy rose 
to a height greater than had been known for 60 years and burst 
through the embankment which had been built by King Mind6n. 
All the lowlying parts of the town were flooded and some lives 
were lost, while many people were rendered absolutely destitute. 
Nevertheless, there were no disturbances, and relief distributions 
and relief works did much to secure the good-will nf the population. 
Responsible headmen were appointed over small sections of the 
town and did much to ensure the maintenance of order and a de- 
tailed sur\'ey of the town was begun, as well as the improvement 
of the roads. Nevertheless, beyond the limits of the town and 
suburbs Mandalay district was almost entirely in the hands of 
three or four dacoit leaders, who had large followings and acted to 
some extent in concert. The territnrial limits of each leader's ju- 
risdiction were defined and respected the one by the other. The 
villages were made to pay black-mail, and disobedience of orders, 
or attempts to help the Government, were severely punished. 
These leaders professed to be acting under the authority of the 
Myingun Prince (then a refugee in the French settlement of Pondi- 
cherry), and were kept together by a relative of that Prince, a 
person who styled himself the Bayiitgan or viceroy, and went from 
one to the other, giving them information and arranging combi- 
nations between them. Early in January Messrs. Walker, Calo- 
greedy, and Mabert, gentleman employed in the forests, determined 
to return to their work. They were attacked at Paleik. 24 miles 
from Mandalay and after four hours' resistance were killed. Mr. 
Grey of the Bombay Hurma Corporation, who was with them, 
was taken prisoner to the Myinzaing Prince's camp at Zibingyi. 
This was found deserted on the loth January, and near the camp 
Mr. Grey's mutilated body was found. On the march to Zibingyi 
Captain Lloyd, R.E., and two men of the Hampshireswere severely 
wounded at Ht6nbo, 


In June the Lamaing post commanded by Captain J, E. Preston 
was attacked by a party of Shan dacoits, a few of whom got in- 
side the post, killed a jemadar and a sepoy, and wounded Captain 
Preston. They were driven out by the camp followers. 

Bhamo was occupied without opposition in December 1885 and 
g. the civil administration was at once organized. 

Trade soon began to revive and the Kachins of 
the nearer hills tendered their submission. A small force marched 
to Mogaung in the northern part of the district in February 1886. 
It met with no opposition, and the people received the party with 
professions of loyalty and remained quiet after the (roops were \vith- 
drawn. It was hold by the Burman Myo6k, who had enlisted men 
of his own and had defended himself against attacks made on him 
by the Wuntho Saxcbwa. He collected the revenue nominally for 
the British Government, but represented that most of It was requir- 
ed for the maintenance of his forces. The only signs of future 
trouble were some dacoities by the Kachins of Katran on \nllages in 
the plain and an attack on Bhamo itself in November by a band of 
dacoits. The latter attack was easily defeated, but before the as- 
sailants fled they had killed three men and burnt some buildings 
near the town gale. The Kachins were not so easily settled with. 
Two punitive expeditions were sent against Katran. The first met 
with stubborn resistance and returned without reaching Katran at all. 
The second, despatched in May, was withdrawn before reaching the 
village of the Chief, by the advice of the Political Officer, who con- 
sidered that sufficient punishment had been inflicted and was de- 
sirous of not being drawn too near the Chinese frontier, the line of 
which was not then known. 

The Katha district, which comes next to Bhamo, was established 
with headquarters at first at Tigyalng, but soon 
moved to Katha. A considerable portion of the 
year was directed to the maintenance of peace in the immediate 
neighbourhood of the postj but some of the local officials, the IVuns 
of Myadaung, Mnda, and the Shweashegyaung, early gave in their 
adherence and did good service. The district was, however, less 
disturbed by organized bands of dacoits than most, and the chief 
.source of disorder was the Wuntho Sa-wbwa, whose attitude was ex- 
tremely doubtful, if not hostile. His State occupied the high country 
between the Upper Irrawaddy and Upper Chindwin and command- 
ed the districts adjacent to both these rivers. The Saivbwa and his 
father known as the Mogaung IVun, and one of the most faithful 
servants of Mindon Min, refused to come in, and a number of raids 
took place on the border, the result of feuds between the Sa-wbwa 



and the local dKaah oC the tovndnps aod cirele« adjaixiii^ Wantlu>. 
In this way he haiasied the omtrii^ area at the Slivcixsliegyaung 
and bomt the town of Mairnaing. Bat k vas thoaght these were 
persooal matters rather than <£rected agaiim the Brinsh Gorem- 
ment. The efforts of Goremmcnt were directed to conciliate the 
Sa-xbwa and treat faioi as a friend. He vas to be left in undisturb- 
ed possession of all the rights and priril^es he had hitherto enjoy- 
ed and to be allowed to carry on the internal ad mi nisi ration of his 
State without any change. Nevertheless, he did ooi respond to 
these advances, be declined to meet the Deputy Commissioner or 
lo pay the revenue as formerly demanded by the Burmese Govern- 
Dcot, and was inclined to treat the Deputy Commissioner's letters 
with very scant coartesy. 

Mong Leng (Mohlaing), Mong Mit (Momcik), and the Ruby 
R bv M' Mines were practically left to themsdves as far 

■by IBS. ^^ ^^^ attempt at occupation was concerned until 

December 1886, when a column under General Stewart marched up 
to Mog6k. Some slight oppo^tion was met with from persons who 
had been formerly interested in the ruby trade, but it was easily 
overcome and the district was not afterwards disturbed. There were 
rival claimants for the ^'ov^aships of Mong Len^ (Mohlaing) and 
Mong Mit, ^jMifi-Shan States with very few Shans in them. Hkam 
Leng (or Kan HIaing) had a fair title to the chieftainship of Mong 
Leng. Shortly after the annexation he visited a British oBScer, who 
somewhat hastily addressed him as Chief of both States. Hkam 
Leng accepted this as settling the question, and went to Mong Mit 
to assume the SawbTcashy^. The people would have nothing to do 
with him and drove him out. He then applied to British officers 
to place him in power and, when this was not done, commenced to 
make raids on Mong Mit territory and gradually drifted into open 
hostility to the British troops. 

Shwebo was noted in Burmese history' for the wariike character 
Shwebo ^^ '*^ inhabitants and as the starting place of 

many insurrectionary movements. It was here 
that Alaungpaya was born and with the aid of the Shnebo people 
\\c established his dynasty. King Mindftn also began the rebellion 
which placed him on the thrdne from Shwebo, and the rising of the 
Padein Prince against him took its beginning here, though not with 
the same success. The nature of the country, which extends from 
the Irrawaddy to the Mu river was very favourable to the movements 
of robber-gangs ; vast tracts of uncultivated forest afforded secure 
hiding places, from which the bands could issue to attack unprotect- 
ed villages. The establishment of the district began with a rising. 




Early in December 1885, Teiktin Hniat and Teiktin Them, cousins 
of King Thibaw, effected their escape from Mandalay and raised a 
party of rebels at Shwebo. A column was sent against them and 
before the end of the month a permanent post was established in 
Shwebo town, which was taken by assault from the rebels. The 
wiiole country was swarming with hostile bands and the whole year 
was taken up with action against strong coalitions of them. The 
former Burmese Commissioner, Bo Byin, the Kayaing-^vun and his 
son, Mating Tun, from the first readily submitted and raised com- 
panies of loyal villasfers to co-operate with the troopi^. On the other 
side, besides the royal pretenders who died within the year, were the 
noted dacoit leaders, Hla U who maintained himself persistently on 
the southern border, Pyan Gyi, Nga Yaing, and Aung Myat. All of 
these were brought to action several Times and suffered considerable 
loss, but were by no means done with. In Ye-u» now a subdivision 
of Shwebo, but at that time a separate district, the same conditions 
prevailed and practically the same bands had 10 be contended with. 
In an action at Sabfenatha nearTantabin, on the 9th November 1886, 
Lieutenant Balfour of the South Yorkshires was killed and Mr. Rcy, 
Assistant Superintendent of Police, was severely wounded before the 
dacoits were driven off. The establishment of posts at Tantabin, 
Nabeikgyi, and Myagon did a good deal to extend the settled area 
and to encourage the people to refuse support to the dacoits. But 
the disarmament of the country which was begun in May was much 
more effectual. 

The fort at Sagaing was occupied as early as the 14th December 
. 1885, but regular administration was not intro- 

^*'"^' duced till some time later. It remained for over 

two years one of the most turbulent districts in the province. 
Before the end of December the dacoits established themselves in 
some strength in a pagoda no great distance from the fort, and in 
the taking of this on the 2Sth December Lieutenant Cockeram 
was killed and Lieuttnant Lye wounded. On the 9th January 
Surgeon Heath was shot dead and Lieutenant Armstrong of the 
Hanipshires was mortally wounded wliile they were walking from 
the Sagaing fort to the steamer, a distance of less than a mile. 
Parties from the fort and the steamer hastened up and four dacoits 
were killed, but the remainder, some of whom were mounted, made 
good their escape. Throughout January 188O military operations 
were continued, and it was not till February that the district was 
formally constituted. The principal dacoit leader was Ilia U, who 
in March dominated the country round Myinmu lo the south of 
Sagaing at the mouth of the Mu river. Active operations were 
parried on all through that month and indeed throughout the rains; 



but though the dacoits were more than once defeated with some 
loss, no notable leaders were captured and the defeated bands col- 
lected again as soon as the attacking party withdrew. At the end 
of April Myinmu itself was attacked, but the assailants were beaten 
off withnul difficulty, though Captain Badgeley, R.E.. was severely 
wounded. Besides HIa U the chief leaders were Min O and Tha 
Pwe. The last named was killed at Pethugyi pae^-oda in August, 
but Sagaing district, beyond thi: posts at Sagaingand Myinmu and 
at Samon, Mag)'izauk, and Ondaw, remained practically in the 
hands of the robber bands. The leaders here were mostly old 
established dacoits and they instituted a very effective system of 
terrorism. Village headmen who refused obedience and neglected 
to pay blackmail, and especially those who had submitted to the 
British Government, were ruthlessly murdered. 

Ava, which was then a separate district, was equally harassed 
by dacoits, but the establishment of a number of 
posts strong enough to hold their own and to 
send out columns when required, did much to bring it into hand 
and to establish a satisfactory process of settlement. British 
troops marched through it in December, and in January 1886 the 
late Mr. R. H. Pilcher took chaige as Deputy Commissioner. The 
central parts of the district were then much disturbed by bands, 
who professed to be under the leadership of the "Chaunggwa 
Princes** and of the KyimyindaJng. 

These Chaunggwa Princes, Teikyin Van Naing and Teit-tin 
Yan Baing, are grand-children of the Mekkhara Prince and so of 
the royal blood. The Ryimyindaing was a mere impostor and 
had been flogged in Burmese times for misdemeanours. He soon 
moved south to Meiktila and Yamfethin, but the fighting leader of 
the Chaunggwa Princes, Shwe Yan, gave a good deal of trouble. 
He seems to have been a professional robber-chief. Towards the 
end of January a post was eslablished at Myotha on the road from 
Ava to Myingyan and operations were carried on with some effect 
during February and March, when a military post was placed at 
Myinthe between Myotha and Ava. Myinthfe in December had 
forced a cavalry detachment to retire. In January it was burnt, but 
Captain Clements, of the South Wales Borderers, was wounded 
close by a few days later, while the telegraph line was being re- 
paired. In April ineffective attacks were made by the dacoits on the 
posts at Myotha and Myinthe, some villages were burnt, and a 
bridge partly destroyed in the immediate neighbourhood of the 
post at Ava. immediate active operations had the best results. 
A post of Gurkhas was established at Chaunggwa and Shwe Yan 
WAS compelled to retire to the jungles on the borders of the Pan- 



laung stream and afterwards ceased to be formidable. Later in 
the year the Myinth^ post was taken over by the military police 
and the troops were moved to Ngazun in the south-west of Ava, 
which had continued to be disturbed. The effect of the establish- 
ment of this post and of expeditions undertaken against dacoit 
villagers between Ngazun and Myotha and in conjunction with 
troops from Myingyan against dacoits on the borders of the two 
districts was apparent in the improvement of that part of the 
country. A combined expedition was also undertaken from Ava 
and Kyauks^ posts against Shwe Yan. The dacoits succeeded in 
escaping, but a combination which was being attempted was broken 
up and Shwe Yan was confined to the wild country in the valleys of 
the Sam6n and Panlaung rivers, which formed a safe shelter, the 
more so because it was a place where the boundaries of districts 
and the divisions of civil and mihtary commands rendered opera- 
tions against them resultless without previous airangement, which, 
at that period, in the defective state of communications, required 
some considerable time. From this centre many raids were made 
in all directions, but nevertheless revenue amounting to over ^^3,700 
was collected in 1886 in the Ava district. 

The Myinzaing Prince was the only active rebel of the Burmese 
itsfc Royal Family who was of any real importance. 

^ He was a son of Mind6n Min and had escaped 

massacre by King Thibaw, partly on account nf his tender years 
and partly because, as the son or one of the minor queens, he was 
sufficiently inconspicuous to be easily hidden away by his friends. 
At the time of the annexation he was 17 years of age. He was no 
doubt led into opposition to the British Government by the hopes 
of some Influential fx-ofitcials of the Burmt-se Government, most 
prominent among whom perhaps was the Anauk IVindawhmu, U 
Paunpf. The record of the Kjauksfe district during ihe early part 
of 1886 is a history of the gradual suppression of the Myinzaing 
Prince's rebellion. He fled to this district, probably the richest in 
Upper Burma, when he was driven out of Zibingyi to the east of 
Mandalay in January. He was soon followed up to Kyauks^ and 
then moved on to Yakhainggyi some 23 miles to the south-east. 
A permanent post was established at Kyauks^ early In February 
and immediately afterwards the Prince was driven from Yak- 
hainggyi, In March Mr. R. H. Pilcher came from Ava to take 
charge of the Kyauksfe district and remained there till his death in 
October. When he arrived the situation was as bad as it was 
even in Sagaing. It had been for three months the prey of dacoits 
and rebels, who held their own even within a few miles of the 
post at Kyauksfe. The first measure was to keep open and protect 



ihe coinmunlcations with Mandalay along the road to the Myit-ng^. 
This was done by the esiablishment of posts at Paleik and Ta- 
loksu. In May a post was formed at Yewun, south of Kyauks6, 
with the effect of pacifying the whole of the intervening country 
and two months later the process of settlement was extended by 
the esiablishment of another post at Kum^ to the south of Yewun, 
where a lance-corporal and Captain Wilbraham of the Somerset- 
shires were killed and seven were wounded. These onward move- 
ments had had the effect some time before of forcing the Myin- 
zaing Prince to retire to Ywangan, one of the small Myelai States 
at the head of the Natteik pass. Here the Prince died of fever in 
August. His persona! following had for some months been great- 
ly reduced, but in various parts of the country rebel and dacoit 
leaders professed to be fighting in his name and for his interests. 
Although he al no time headed anything like a national movement, 
yet the fact that he w:is really a legitimate member of Ihe house of 
Alaungpaya must have rendered him always an important potential 
centre of disaffection. His death therefore removed a possible 
source of future danger and it broke up the most powerful com- 
bination in this part of the province. As soon as the Prince died, 
his followers quarrelled over the division of the pri*perty, killed 
the Ngwegttnhmu (a short lime before made titular Myoza) of 
Ywangan, who had afforded them an asylum, and dispersed. 
Those who were rebels^ as distintjuished from mere robbers, scat- 
tered themselves over the Shan States, and the dacoit portion of 
the gang joined themselves on to the various marauding gangs in 
the plains. The main portion uf the Kyauksi plain was, however, 
quieted by the establishment of the post of Wundwin in the Meik- 
tila district on the ist of September. This completed the chain 
of posts from Mandalay to Pyinmana and confined the daroits lo 
the foot hills of the Shan plateau and to the jungles along the 
Sam6n and Panlaung rivers, where, however, they maintained them- 
selves for some considerable time, and made periodical raids on 
peaceful villages. 

Chindwin, as it at first existed as a single district, was an enor-" 
mous charge. It included the whole of the 
valley on both sides of the Chindwin river and 
extended northwards for 500 or 600 miles until it was lost in the 
ranges of hills separaring Burma from Assam, over-lapping the 
territories of the petty Western Shan potentates, the Sawbwa of 
Kale and the Saivhiva of Hsawng Hsup (Th.iung-thut). In No- 
vember 1885, the Burmese authorities of the Chindwin had made 
prisoners of seven English gentlemen, who were residing there in 
the employ of the Bombay Burma Trading Corporation. Of these, 

Chap. IV. ] first year after annexation. 


three (Messrs. Robert Allen, Roberts, and Moncur) were mur- 
dered on the launch Ckimiwin by a ihandan'sin as soon as the 
news of the occupation of Mandalay arrive<l. Two others, Messrs. 
C. Outram and G. Calogreedy, arrived safely in Mandalay, while 
Messrs. Hill, Ross, Bates, and O. Ruckstahl were protected by the 
Pl'utt of Mingyin and sent by him to Mandalay. The IVim was re- 
warded at the time and afterwards rendered loyal service to the 
British Government. Other Europeans Messrs. Morgan, Bretto, and 
T. Ruckstahl, were also held captive at Kindat, farther up the river. 
Towards the end of December a force was despatched from Man- 
dalay to rescue these Kindat captives. But the prompt action of 
Colonel Johnstone, C.S.I., Political Agent at Manipur, who marched 
on Kindat with 50 sepoys and a Manipuri contingent, and arrived 
thereon Christmas day, forestalled the arrival of the Mandalay co- 
lumn. The troops returned to Mandalay, and it was at first proposed 
to divide the Chindwin valley into two districts, placing the Manipur 
Agent in charge of the upper part, with headquarters at Kindat, 
and constituting the Lower Chindwin area a district under a sepa- 
rate Deputy Commissioner, with headquarters at Ai6n. The plan, 
however, was found to be impracticable. Colonel Johnstone went 
back to Manipur by way of Tammu, which is 64 miles from Mani- 
pur, over jungle-clad hills rising to 5,000 feet, but on the outbreak 
of disturbances between Tammu and Kindat he returned. He 
attacked a body of rebels in a strong position at Pantha, about 
18 miles from Tammu, and drove them out, but was himself 
severely wounded. He was succeeded as Agent and as Deputy 
Commissioner of the Upper Chindwin by Major Trotter. In May 
1886, Major Trotter attempted to march from Tammu to Kin- 
dat to effect a junction with a force which was to come up the 
river from Al6n. He was attacked at Pantha near Tammu and 
received a wound, from the effects of which he after^vards died. 
He was succeeded for a time by Major Haiies, who command- 
ed at Tammu and was severely wounded in an action on the 
19th June at Chany6n, 3 miles from Tammu. In July the whole 
of the Chindwin country was placed under the control of a De- 
puty Commissioner whose headquarters were at Al6n. Meanwhile, 
early in February, when it was thought the Manipur Political 
Agent could control the upper portion, arrangements had been 
made for administering Lower Chindwin district and a Deputy 
Commissioner was established at Alon. His attention was for some 
lime devoted to the settlement of the country in the neighbour- 
hood of that post. In April the garrison intended for the oc- 
cupation of the whole district arrived and preparations were made 
for an advance on Mingin and Kindat in order to meet the Tarn- 




mu force at the latter place in the middle of May. Mingin was 
occupitjcl on he 20th April, but difficulties of transport delayed 
the advance to Kindat, which was not occupied till the loth June. 
No resistance was met with at Kindat, but the force had a trifling 
skirmish with dacoits at Balet on the river-bank. The advance 
from Tammu was for the time abandoned, and the country between 
the Chindwin and Manipur was left untouched till towards the 
end of the rains. The Tammu force, which had been considerably 
strengthened, then took the field and gained signal successes over 
strong bodies of dacoits, notably on the loth October, when Captain 
Stevens attacked and drove the enemy from their strongly stockaded 
position at Chanyfin, where Major Hailes had been wounded. The 
whole of the Kubo valley was thus reduced to order. As regards 
the part of the district adjacent to the Chindwin river the following 
results had been attained by the end of August. The Chindwin 
Military police levy, over 500 strong, arrived in July and was 
soon distributed in posts in the Alon subdivision, which included 
the part of the district towards the mouth of the river. The part 
on the east bank of the river was in fairly good order, though Hla 
U gave much trouble and occupied the country to the norrh-east 
of the police posts. On the west of the river the Pagyi township 
was still uncontrolled and much of it was in the hands of a pretend- 
er known as the Shwegyobyu Prince. North of Alon, but little 
progress had been made m the settlement of the country, except in 
the immediate neighbourhood of the river. The feudatory Stale of 
Kale, on the right bank below Kindat, was disturbed by internal 
dissensions, but showed no signs of hostility to the British Govern- 
ment. North of Kindat, the Deputy Commissioner, who steamed 
up and explored the river for 150 miles above Kindat, visited the' 
Sawbwa of Hsawng Hsup and was well received. The SaTcb-h'a had 
his Stale in good order and required no assistance. Although hi 
was allied with and akin to the Sffa'bTua of Wuniho, he did not adopt' 
the attitude of that Chief. The Deputy Commissioner also received 
the submission of a Burmese JVun of the country lying betwefn the 
Chindwin river and Mogaung. No posts, however, were established 
north of Kindat, where the country was thinly inhabited and did 
not promise much revenue. Nevertheless, except along the river andJ 
in the Alon subdivision, little was effected in the way of settlement' 
and the Al6n force was continually employed in the pursuit of Hla 
U and his followers. In October Mr. Gleeson, Assistant Com- 
missioner at Mingin, was treacherously killed at a village some 
miles above his headquarters, where he had gone with a small 
escort to instal a new headman, and not long afterwards the Wun 
of Kanni, who had given many proofs of loyailty, was also murder- 



ed by dacoits at Myogyi, whither he had gone with five men to 
persuade them to disperse. The brother of the JFun was appoint- 
ed in his place and punitive expeditions dispersed the gangs who 
had murdered the H''uu and Mr. Gleeson, but the countrj" round 
Mlngin and Mawkadaw remained in a very disturbed state, and 
a pretender, who called himself Buddha Yaza, attacked one of our 
posts and gathered round him various leaders from Yaw and 
Alon. just as the troops were advancing against him, the pre- 
tender fell into the hands of the Kale SawbToa, who arrested him 
and sent him to the Deputy Commissioner, Colonel F. D. Raikes. 
The Kale Sawbwa himself had, however, not yet made formal sub- 
mission, but much was hoped from the mark of distinction which 
was conferred on the Sawbwa of HsaM'na^ Hsup on the occasion of 
Her Majesty's Jubilee. In the Lower Chindwin the Pagyi and 
Pakhangyi tracts were much disturbed and the character of the 
country (inaccessible forests with consequent malaria) made it 
difficult to reduce. Bo To, the younger brother of the murdered 
Kanni IVun, did much ^ood work in the country to the south of Min- 
gin, but was defeated by a band at Kale. Trade went on on the 
nver, but boats were obliged to take a guard, or to go under convoy 
of a steam-launch. 

On the opposite side of the Irrawaddy river the Myingyan dis- 

„ . ^ trict had been constituted as the expeditionary 

yingy»n. forcc moved up the river to Mandalay. The 

old Burmese administrative divisions were at first adopted and 

Myingyan and Pagan, which for some time was a separate district, 

tended in somewhat haphazard fashion for a great way across 
the river. 

Bolh have greatly changed in their composition since then and 
continued to do so until Pagan became a subdivision of Myingyan 
and the new district of Pakokku was formed out of the portions of 
Myingyan and Pagan on the right bank of the river. At first 
Myingyan included part of the present district of Meiktila and 
also Pakokku, which was early transferred to Pagan. In Myingyan, 
or Talokmyo as [he Burmese very frequently called it, the local 
officials soon submitted and the selllement of the country in the 
immediate neighbourhood was speedily accomplished. Early in 
January 1886, the Kayatngicun, the Burmese local Governor, gave 
in his adhesion lo the British Government and continued to serve 
for about six months. He then absconded and joined a rebel 
soi-disant Prince, the Shwegyobyu, in Pahkangyi on the west of 
the Irrawaddy. A column marched through this part of the coun- 
try with temporary success and civil officials were established in 
Pahkangyi, and for a time there seemed reason to hope that the 




township would become settled. But the small posts at Pakokku 
and Yet^yo were during the rainy season unable to act in the in- 
terior. Tne military post at Myaing gave some protection to the 
country, but the Shwegyobyu pretender still had a great following 
and really dominated Pahkangyi and Pagyi to ihe exclusion of civil 
administration. He did not, however, act much on the offensive. 
It was not till a post was established at Palikan^yi itself thai the 
Shwegyobyu's power was broken and then he himself suddenly dis- 
appeared. On the eastern bank daccit leaders, partizans o( Saw 
Yan Naingand his brother, for some lime disturbed the peace of the 
eastern and northern parts of the district and the local official in 
charge of the Welaung tract southwards towards Pagan held out 
throughout the whole of 1886. The early establishment of posts 
in Sameikkyon and Nalogyi contributed a great deal to the settle- 
ment of the northern and eastern parts of the district, and a com- 
bined movement from Myingyan and Ava put an end to the oper- 
ations of a leader who called himself Thiiikayaza. Along the river 
trade went on undisturbed and arrangements were made for the 
building of bazaars at Myingyan and Pak6kku. 

The Pagan district as it was constituted in November 1886, on 
the passage of the expeditionary force to Man- 
dalay, included on the left bank of the river, the 
whole countiy from the Myingyan district on the norlh to the 
limits of the faungdwingyi subdivision on the south, taking in the 
Pin and Mahlaing townships on the south and south-east. It 
nominally also included the whole of the Yaw country on the right 
bank of the river, stretching beyond Gangaw up to the hills which 
separate Burma from Chittagong. 

Subsequently Mahlaing and the country to the east and south- 
east were made over to the later formed district of Meiktilaand later 
still in the year the Pin township was made over to Taungdwingyi, 
now the Magwe district. The great asylum of the dacoits of this 
neighbourhood was the P6ppa hill, whence they made raids on the 
Myingyan, Pagan, and Meiktila districts. It is a remarkable, iso- 
lated peak about 4,500 feet high and is believed to be an exiinrt 
volcano. The hill itself is abrupt and conical in shape, but it throws 
out spurs in all directions and is thickly covered with forest growth 
while the sub-features are a tangle of scrub-jungle and ravines. 
In the hollows, however, there is a good deal of cultivated land 
which escapes the eye of a person merely travelling through. This 
region for long remained a favourite haunt of dacoits, and most of 
the villages were inhabited by cattle-lifters and receivers of stolen 
property, who naturally would furnish no information. The cattle 
were kept in large pens, or enclosures, in the jungle and were only 



let oui to be watered, and that only when they could be carefully 
guarded so that they should not stray back lo their former owners. 
At least one prominent dacoit leader remained at large in this neigh- 
bourhood till ten years after the annexation. 

The Pagan local officials submitted early to Major (now Lieut- 
enant-Colonel) Eyre, the Deputy Commissioner, but before long 
dacoits under a leader named Maung Cho in the east of the district 
near Sb, and under the Kyimyindaing Prince and his adherents in 
the south-east near Mahlaing, began to give trouble. Active steps 
were taken to break up these gatherings. In January Maun^ Cho 
was successfully attacked, but not subdued. In February a post 
was established at Kyaukpadaung south of Pagan for the purpose 
of supporting the local Burmese official who then and later did 
conspicuously good service. A considerable dacoit gathering in 
the neighbourhood was at the same time dispersed. The following 
month a force marched from Pagan south-east through Mahlaing, 
Meiktila, and Yindaw to Yamfethin, encountering the followers of 
the Kyimyindaing Prince on the way and scattering tliem with 
some loss. A Civil Officer was posted at Mahlaing and a mili- 
tary post was left at Meiktila, which was made over to Yam^lhin 
district. In June the formation of a post at Sfc, to the south-east 
of Pagan, in the country where Maung Cho had again ealhered 
his followers, served to diminish his influence, but everywhere the 
result was much the same. The area disturbed was gradually re- 
stricted, but the leaders remained at large and their bands dis- 
persed before the troops, only to gather again on their departure. 
Early in July an attack was made on Pin, which had been suc- 
cessfully held till then by the loyal thugj'i without assistance from 
Government. A force was sent to drive out the dacoits and their 
leaders surrendered without resistance. A great deal had thus 
been done towards reducing the left bank to order, and this part 
of the district was thus somewhat more in hand than many others, 
but on the west bank of the river little could be effected. There 
only a narrow strip of country was held in the immediate vicinity of 
the posts at Myiigyi and Pakokku. Beyond that the country was 
practically uncontrolled. Early in the year (he Deputy Commis- 
sioner had entered into communications with the local officials of 
the Yaw country, an extensive inland tract peopled partly by Bur- 
mese and partly by indigenous tribes. In the time of the Burmese 
Government the people of Yaw seem to have enjoyed some approach 
to local autonomy under their own officials. The leading men pro- 
posed to submit, but it was impossible to establish posts, so the des- 
patch of a force was postponed, though communications were kept 
up with the chief local men throughout the year. The whole of 




this wild Iracl therefore remained open lo the dacoits and rebels 
until early in 1887. 

The Minbu district at first consisted of the country on the north 
of the old frontier line on both sides of the lira- 
waddy between the Arakan hills and the conti- 
nuation of the Pegu Yonia. It extended on the north to the bor- 
ders of the Yaw country and on the left bank of the river as far 
as the Pin township of Pagan. The Taungdwingyi subdivision, 
which later became a separate district and later still changed its 
name to Magwe, comprised the whole of the eastern part of the 
Minbu district. The Deputy Commissioner of Minbu, however, 
never had time to exercise any control over this subdivision, 
and it practically from the beginning was separately administered- 
The Minbu (at lirsl called Minhla) district was constituted under 
the charge of the late Mr- R. Phayre immediately after the occu- 
pation of the town of MJnhla in November 1S85. The Deputy 
Commissioner at once began to invite the submission of the local 
officials and succeedtid in inducing many of them to take service 
under the new Government. By the 15th December almost all the 
officials on the right bank had submitted and there was every pro- 
mise of a speedy settlement of the district. Outposts were estab- 
lished at various suitable places and small columns were sent out as 
occasion demanded to break up dacoit gatherings. The garrison 
left at Minhla was supported b^ a small force from Thayetmyo, 
which was operating in Taungzm, the western part of the Minbu 
district bordering on the Arakan hills. Enquiries concerning rev- 
enue matters were at once instituted by the Deputy Commissioner, 
and within a month from the date of the occupation of Minhla 
j^i,ooo of revenue were paid in. The carlh-oil wells at Yenan- 
gyaung, which had yielded a considerable revenue lo the royal 
Government, were held to be within the Minbu district, and early in 
January arrangements were made for the resumption of work and 
the realizalion of revenue. In spite of the peaceful appearance of 
the greater part of the district, there were, however, indications of 
future trouble. Maung Swfe, the hereditary thugyi of Mindat, had 
declined to submit and was holding out In the Taungzin township. 
This man, who afterwards became very notorious as Bo Swe, had 
long been known to the authorities of the Lower Province district of 
Thayetmyo. For many years he had been a constant source of 
annoyance owing to the support and encouragement afforded by 
him to dacoits on the hrontier. More than once he had been recall- 
ed to Mandalay at the representation of the British Government, 
but had again and again been permitted to return. Al the time 
of the outbreak of hostilities he was sent down by the Mandalay 



authorities to his former jurisdiction on account of his known hos- 
tility to the Eni^lish. Karly in the year, and as long as the Tha- 
yetmyo frontier force occupied posts in I'auni^zin, Maung Sw6, 
though at times giving indications of hostile intentions, was com- 
paratively powerless. It was not till after the withdrawal of the 
Thayetmyo troops that he made head and gathered a formidable 

In the latter part of February an insurrection broke out In the 
Legaing township on the Mon creek and the post of Sagu was 
attacked and burnt. This rising was promptly suppressed by the 
military authorities and the dacoits were driven to the hills. The 
leader of the rising was found to be 3l pongyi named Okiama, who 
Ifsoon became as much noted as5/» Swfe and gave to the full as much 
serious trouble. In March U Okiama fomented serious disturb- 
ances in Salin and Sale, but the rebels were again dispersed by the 
troops acting in conjunction with Mr. Phayre. About this time the 
headquarters of the district were transferred from Minhla to Minbu. 
Revenue continued to come in steadily notwithstanding these dis- 
turbances, and in the first fortnight of April as much as ;^2,ooo 
were realized. Early in the same month the transfer of part of 
the Minbu district to Thayetmyo was provisionally effected. The 
transfer was made for the sake of administrative convenience and 
with the view of obliterating the old border line between Upper and 
Lower Burma. The final transfer under legislative sanction was 
obtained later. 

At the close of April Bo Swfe occupied much of the country to 
the west of Minbu and Minhla. He was attacked in the middle of 
May and forced to retreat to Ngapt!.-, a strong position due west of 
Minbu, commanding the An pass over the Arakan htlU. But at the 
close of the same month the whole western part of the district was 
in a ferment and dacoit bands were active un the Salin and M6n 
creeks and in the Sale and Yenangyaung townships. Early in 
June great encouragement was given to the disaffected by the death 
of Mr. Phayre, who was killed in action near Padtin. south of 
Ngapfe. At the time when Mr. Phayre was killed Rs. 1,000 had been 
offered for the capture of Bo Sw^, who in turn had offered Rs. 500 
for the head of Mr. Phayre. Out of this he made great capital 
with his adherents. Mr. Phayre had arrived at Padein on the 7th 
June and found the dacoits in a strong position inside a walled 
pagoda. He established himself in another pao;oda 200 yards dis- 
tant and was fired at all night, during which time the dacoits received 
large reinforcements. On the 8th Mr. Phayre, with ten sepoys and 
ten police, attempted to carry the dacoits' position by direct attack. 


They were within 20 yards of the pagoda when Mr. Phayre fell 
struck by three bullets. The number of the dac<Mts was estimated 
at 700. The dacoits were encountered in strength at Salin, where 
Captain Dunsford was killed on the 1 2th June, and at Ngape, where 
a stubbornly contested action was fought on the 19th of the same 
month, when we had six killed and 23 wounded, among them Lieu- 
tenant E, P. Williams of the Liverpools. Ngap6 was then occupied 
in strength, but the extreme unhealthiness of the climate necessi- 
tated ihe withdrawal of the garrison at the end of July. At the 
same time Salin was attacked by Oktama. The dacoits were re- 
pulsed and finally driven off by reinforcements under Captain Atldn- 
son, who however was killed just as the engagement ended. Ngap^ 
was re-occupied by Bo Swe as soon as it was evacuated by the 
garrison, and by the end of August the whole of the western part of 
the district was in the hands of the rebels and nothing remained to 
us but a narrow strip along the river-bank. The rains and the 
deadly season which succeeds them in the water-logged country at 
the foot of the Yoma, reeking with malaria, which is fatal to those 
who have not inherited constitutions fitted to resist it, prevented 
extended operations being undertaken before the end of the year. 
A contingent of the Naval Brigade kept the river-bank clear and 
suppressed the river pirates, and the An Pass, which is almost the 
only practicable route through the hills into Arakan was held by a 
detachment of Gurkha police. But in the later months of 1886 
U Oktama practically held the whole of the north of Minbu, while 
Bo Swfe was supremie in the south. These two had the strong- 
est organization and the most systematic method of pillaging the 
country of any of the dacoit leaders, but their success was greatly 
aided by the dense jungle, which could only be threaded by narrow 
forest paths, and by the pestilential airs. The names of Tainda, 
Myothit, Ngapfe, and Sidoktaya became evilly notorious from the 
deaths which occurred there. The robber-chiefs knew this well. 
Their headquarters were secure at the foot of the hills, and raids and 
incursions thence were easy lo places far beyond the jungle tract. 
U Oktama in fact established his authority right up to the river- 
bank. But eariy in 1887 Bo Sw&, though he was still formidable, 
ceased to be a danger, at any rare to established posts. Captain 
Golightly, with his mounted infantry, hunted him with untiring zeal, 
and more than once, especially when a party of Gurkha police join- 
ed in the chase, he barely escaped with his life. Nevertheless, his 
orders were acknowledged and his gangs were fed and recruited 
secretly by the villagers of the Myothit and Minhla townships. U 
Oktama was not pressed nearly so hard, and his authority not only 
remained but actually continued to grow. Nevertheless, the revenue 



collected in Minbu up to the end of August 1886 amounted to 
about ;^ 1 2,500. 

Soon aher the Expeditionaiy Force crossed the frontier and the 

„ ... Minhla or Minbu district was formed, it was 

Taungdwineyi. , , r .i_ . • e i 

found necessary tor the protection of the east- 
ern part of the Thayctmyo district to advance a column towards 
Taungdwingyi, an important town north of the Myedfe subdi- 
vision and the nominal headquarters of the subdivision. On the 
30th November 1885 it encountered a considerable body of the 
enemy al Thiik6!i-kwin and on the 2nd December inflicted a 
decisive defeat on them at Nyadaw- Taungdwingyi itself was oc- 
cupied without further opposition ten days laier and Captain {now 
Lieutenant-Colonclj Raikes, Deputy Commissioner of Thayetmyo, 
who had accompanied the column, at once set to wo^k to organize 
the civil administration. Soon afterwards he returned to Thayet- 
myo, leaving Taungdwingyi in charge of an Assistant Commis- 
sioner. Later in the year the Pin township was taken from Pagan 
and, with this addition, Taungdwingyi was created a district and is 
now known by the name of Magwe. Arrangements were made to 
carry on the administration with the aid of local officials who had 
submitted and to raise and tiain a force of local police. The severe 
loss infliicled on the insurgents in December kept the district quiet 
for some time, but later disturbances broke out in several places, 
though I hey were rather in the nature of raids than of risings. Never- 
theless, Lieutenant Parsons, the Assistant Commissioner, was severe- 
ly wounded in the Myedfc township and Lieutenant Churchill of 
the Royal Scots Fusiliers at the assault on Thaikyansan. The 
Myobin Thugyi who created trouble in February was promptly 
dealt with, but later there were sporadic dacoities, and in August a 
few houses were burnt in Taungdwingyi itself. The chief leader 
was Min Yaung, who had a large follow Ing and could boast of ponies 
and elephants. He kept the country somew hat disturbed, but most 
of his raids were directed to the south and extended occasionally a 
lopg way into the Thayetmyo district. The Magwe township, later 
the headquarters, which lies on the river-bank, alone enjoyed com- 
plete peace. This was due to the influence of the Burman official, 
who had accepted service under us and for a time apparently loyally 
tulBlled his engagement, 

A column started from Toungoo to occupy Nyingyan on the 
-, . 24th November 188:5. The country was found 

ma somewhat unsettled condition, but no orga- 
nized opposition was encountered and the town of Ningyan was 
reached during the first week in December. This place and the 
district, throughout 1886, were known by the name of Ningyan, 




but later the old Burmese name of Pyinmana was adopted and has 
been finally retaioed even since the district has become a subdivi- 
sion of Yamfelhin. Villages near Pyinmana were early occupied 
and at the end of 1885 the district was believed to be rapidly set- 
tling down. But the peacefulncss was only the deceiiful quiet of 
indecision. Early iti January 1886 the country towards the north 
began to be disturbed by the Le Wun and the Theingon thugyi, 
f,v-officials from the Yamfethin neighbourhood, and their counsels 
eventually prevailed. From the first many of the local Wuns did 
not submit and were replaced by Myooks, who raised and drilled 
local police. In February the limits of the district were roughlv 
defined, and it was separated from the Vamfethin district on the 
north. Towards the end of April, however, large bands of dacoils 
gathered together and soon controlled all the country except in 
the neighbourhood of our posts. The chief leaders, besides the 
Li JVun, were the pretended Princes Buddha and Thiha Yaza and 
the Kyimyindaing. Throughout the rains, in spile of frequent 
military movements and the establishment of numerous posts on 
the chief lines of communication, the,^e gangs remained unbroken 
enough to undertake the offensive. Communications were con- 
stantly interrupted, launches on the river between Sinthewa near 
Pyinmana and Tonngoo were attacked and dacoities were com- 
mitted and houses burnt not only in outlying villages, but even in 
the town of Pyinmana itself, part of which was actually for a time 
in the hands of the rebels. Lieutenant Shubrick of the Somerset- 
shires was killed in the village of Kwingyi near Thayagon, 6 miles 
from Pyinmana, while breakfasting after having destroyed some sur- 
rounding villages. The garrison of the dt'^lrict was much weakened 
by sickness, and the nature of (he country under the Shan hills and 
the climate, which are practically the same as the Minbu terai 
under the Arakan Yoma, entirely prevented the undertaking of any 
sustained military opcr.itions and the towi] was threatened on all 
aides. Large reinforcements at the end of the year and the ener- 
getic guidance of General Lockharl broke up the control of the 
leaders and kept the various gangs alw.iys on the move leaving 
them no rest, night or day. The most successful of the expeditions 
was on :he 12th November 1886, when the camp of the Kyimyin- 
daing Prince was surprised at dawn. The so-called Prince himself 
narrowly escaped capture and his wife was unfortunately shot dead 
in the first volley. On our side Lieutenant Eckersley of the Somer- 
sets was killed. This action at once reduced the pressure on Pyin- 
mana, but the danger of the Yamfethin road had greatly increased. 
The dense bamboo and kaing grass jungles at Kanhla greatly 
favoured the dacoits. In October they captured a convoy of 17 



carts and on the 1.5th November attacked a party of Madras troops 
under Lieutenant-Colonel Anderson, who was severely wounded in 
the neck, besides which there were 1 1 other casualties. On the 1 7th 
of the same month, however, a column drove them from their rifle- 
pits at Kanhla, but with the lo>s <if Lieutenant Greenwood of the 
16th Madras Infantry killed. Buddha Yaza's camp was broken up 
shortly afterwards by Colonel Beale of the Queen's, the dacoit leader 
barely escaping on an dephanl and losing several jingals. Other 
actions soon cleared (he trunk road and ensured the safety of 
convoys from the dacoits. But the hills afforded them a temporary 
refuge and there were still large bands to be dealt wiih, Buddha 
Yaza in particular giving much trouble. As might be expected, 
little revenue was collected ; the total realizations up to the end of 
August amounted to not quite ;f 2,000. 

The Yameihin district at first included Meiktila and extended as 
,, . . . far as the borders cf Kyauksfe, but in October 

Vainctnm, ■«« -i m rr r ■. i ■ i 

Meiktila was cut oft from it and with some 
parts of Pagan and Myingyan districts became a separate charge. 
Yaraithin town was occupied by a force from Pyinmana after 
some opposition on the i8th February 1886. From the first the 
greater part of the district was in a disturbed state, the prin- 
cipal gatherings being those under the adventurers Buddha and 
Thiha Yaza, the Kyimylndaing soi-disant Prince, the U IVun 
the TheingOn thugyi, and the Mylnzalng Prince's leaders, U Paung 
and Maung Gyi. The posts at Meiktila, Mahlaing, Ytndaw, and 
Wundwin introduced order in their immediate neighbourhood and 
to some extent on the roads between them, though in April Lieu- 
tenant Forbes of the nth Bengal Infantry in charge of a stores 
escort was killed not far from where Thazi station now is, but the 
record of the greater part of the year was merely an account of 
dacoities and of expeditions, more or less temporarily successful, 
but never decisively so, on account of the elusive character of the 
dacoits who sometimes even ventured to attack the smaller posts 
such as Yindaw, At the end of the rains the garrison was strongly 
reinforced and undertook active operations with considerable suc- 
cess against the more important bands. The amount of revenue 
collected up to the end of November was over ;f 3,500. 

The history of Meiktila for 1886 was practically that of Yamfe- 
thin. The garrison was engaged with the Ya- 
"" ^' ^' mfethtn dacoits on the one side and with those 

of Kyauks6 on the other, while particular leaders, such as Myat 
Hmon, Maung Gyi, and Maung Lat, were the local troublers of the 
peace. These men had been adherents of the Myinzaing till his 
death and afterwards fought for their own hand. Over and over 



again they collected their men in the Hmaw-alng foot hills east of 
W uiidwiii to be as often driven out. They look refutje in the hills 
of Yengan and La\vk>awk when hard pressed and came down again 
when our troops had retired. But the district was more in Itand 
than any of its neighbours, except Ava and Wesrern Myingyan, 
and Hlun E, a former Burmese cavalry officer, rendered valuable 
service with a strong force of horse and foot which he raLsed and 
maintained at his own expense. 

The whole of t886 was thus devoted to the gradual extension of 
British influence by means of military operations. T he plan on 
which these were conducted was the gradual advancement of out- 
posts, the dispersing of the large bands of dacoits, and the pacifi- 
cation of the country covered by military stations. In this process 
1 80 or more encounters, of more or less importance, were fought. 
In few of these did the dacoits offer any strenuous resistance and 
in hardly any did our troops fait in accomplishing their immediate 
purpose. The total number of those killed in action, ur who died 
of their wounds from the 17th November 1885 to the 31st October 
1886 was officers i i, men 80: total 91. 

The average number of troops employed in Upper Burma during 

.,.,. , ., the vear was about 14,000. In December 1886 

Military details. 1 ' 1 1 » • 1. .i_ 

the number had risen to 25,000. It was the 
dense nature of the jungle through which they had often to pass, 
the want of roads and facilities of communication, the unfavourable 
and in many places, the deadly nature of the cUmate, which ren- 
dered this number of men necessary and prevented them from 
accomplishing more. Whtre loss of Hfe occurred it was usually in 
bush-fighting, where the dacoits had the immense advantage of an 
intimau: knowledgt: of the country. The climate was more deadly 
than the dacoits' bullets. From the 17th November 1885 to the 
31st October 1886 the regimental returns showed — 



Men (HritUh and sepoys)... 


Died front 



. 930 


The total number of posts held in Upper Burma on the 1st Decem- 
ber 1 886 by British troops was 99, and at the same time there were 
in almost every district moveable columns operating separately or 
in combinalion. 

The command of the Expeditionary Force sent against Mandalay 
was entrusted to Major-General (now Sir Harrj) Prendergast, V,C., 



under whom were Brigadier General White, V.C.,C.B., Brigadier- 
General Norman. c.B., and Brigadier-General Forde. On the ist 
April 1886 Sir Harry Prendergast vacated the command of the 
Upper Burma Field Force and was succeeded by Major-General 
(now Sir George) White, V.c. In September His Fxcdlency Sir 
Herbert Macpherson, V.C, Commander-in-Chief of the Madras 
Army, assumed command of the forces in Burma, but died very 
shortly after his arrival. Early in November His Excellency Sir 
Frederick Roberts, Commander-in-Chief of the Army ifi India, 
arrived in Burma and established his headquarters Jn Mandalay. 
With the opening of the year 1887 energetic action began and the 
tide be^an to turn. The number of posts held by troops was 
rapidly mcreased to 141. The Officers Commanding these posts 
and the parlies In the field had acquired a knowledge of the coun- 
try ui which they were working. The constant pursuit by cavalry 
and mounted infantry was beginning to tell and the dacoils, both 
leaders and followers, were beginning to find themselves safe no- 
where. Nevertheless, of police there were as yet hardly any, and 
District Officers were dependent on military escorts and were not 
able to move about their districts freely. 

The necessity of supplementing the work done by the troops and 
providing perm;inently for the civil administrations engaged the at- 
tention of Sir Charles Bernard as soon as annexation was deter- 
mined on. In February 1886 proposals were framed and submitted 
to the Government of India for the enlistment of two military police 
levies each to consist of 561 officers and men, and of 2,200 military 
police to be recruited in NorlhtTn India. In addition to these it 
was proposed to raise a small force of Burmese police for detective 
and purely police work. The two levies were speedily formed and 
consisted of men who had already received military training. Both 
were in the province by the beginning of July. One was told off for 
service in the Mandalay district, with the intention that it should 
eventually take up the pnsis required for the protection of the Shan 
border ; the other was sent for service in the Chindwin valley. The 
military police began to arrive somewhat later and were for the most 
part untrained men. These had all to be drilled and disciplined at 
Mandalay and other headquarter stations before being sent to out- 
posts, or on active service. The local police were raised by Dis- 
trict Officers as occasion required and as circumstances permitted, 
and received such training as the local oflicers could supply. The 
men of the levies did good service in the Mandalay, Sagalng, and 
Chindwin districts ; but the Mandalay levy suffered severely from 
the effects of the climate of Kywet-hnapa, an outpost on the Myit- 



ngfe in the Mandalay dislricl;. The rest of the military police hardly 
became ready for aciive service during the year. 

As the situation and the circumstances o{ ihe province became 
more thoroughly realized, and as the extent of territory under admin~ 
istration increased, it became evident that the numbers of the police 
force would have to be considerably augmented. Two fresh levies 
therefore were raised in the end of the year. One of these, from 
Northern India, was devoted to the protection of (he railway line 
from Toungoo to Mandalay, during and after its construction. The 
other which was recruited from Gurkhas and other hill-tribesmen 
was sent to Bhamo for service about Mogaung. Finally it was de- 
termined to enlist a total police force of 16,000, of which 9,000 were 
to be recruited from India and 7,000 from Burma, with the inten- 
tion that in lime the foreign and local police were each to consist 
of 8,000 men. The whole of the force was subjected to military 
drill and discipline and was enrolled for service for three years. 
For each district a separate battalion was to be formed consisting 
of a fixed numl>er of foreign and local police, under the command 
of a military officer for the purposes of training and discipline, and 
under the ordtrs of the local Police olficers for ordinary police work. 
Perhaps the most important step for the permanent pacification 
of the province was the disarmament of the 
people. Orders were issued for the disarma- 
ment of the whole population, but practically what was required 
was a re-distribution of arms under proper safeguards. Firearms 
were collected and branded with distinctive marks and numbers. 
In the case oi dacoit leaders and their followers, or of rebel vil- 
lages, the surrender of a certain number of firearms was made a 
condition of the gram of pardon. Persons of proved loyalty were 
allowed to retain their arms, after they had been numbered, under 
the special license of the Deputy Commissioner, subject to the 
condition that the holders lived in a village which was defensible 
and possessed a fixed minimum number oi arms, so as to be capable 
of self-protection. It was found that the possession by a village 
of one or two muskets only was a source of danger and a tempta- 
tion to dacoits, whereas the possession by loyal house-holders of a 
moderately large supply afforded ihem means of self-defence. Ex- 
cept in special cases, such as that of foresters working in parties of 
some strength, in remote parts of the country, licenses to carry 
firearms were not granted. The hcenses issued only authorized the 
holders to possess arms for self-protection. 

The process was begun in the Taungdwingyi, Myingyan, and 
Shwebo districts, and then extended to Ye-u and Sagaing, and in 
the end of 1886 was prescribed for general adoption. 




Although I his policy of disarmament was thus early begun and 
was soon extended to Lower Burma as well as to the new province, 
the process was a slow one and the final form of the license to 
possess arms and ammunition was not determined till May 1888, 
after many alterations. Licenses were granted under the Indian 
Arms Act of 1878 and covered only the persons and arms named 
in them, unless it was specially certified to cover retainers of the 
holder. The license is voided every 31st of March and extends 
only to the particular district or place named. No one is allowed 
to own firearms or ammunition who does not live in a village which 
contains at least 50 houses and has at least nine other license- 
holders. The village itself must be well fenced or stockaded, so 
as to prevent its being rushed and the ground without the fence 
is to be kept clear of jungle or cover for the space of 50 yards. 
Each license-holder engages to act as a special constable, and to 
resist dacoits whenever the village is attaclced and to pursue them 
when called upon by a competent autfiorily, such as the headman 
of the village, or Civil, Police, or Military Officers not under the 
rank of a Myo6k or head constable. The license- holder cannot 
carry his firearm beyond the boundaries of his own village, unless 
in the pursuit of dacoits, and, if he leaves his village for the night, 
has to deposit his gun with the village headman until his return. 
When actini^ under authority beyond the boundaries of his own 
village the license-holder wears a uniform or badge supplied to him 
at cost price by the District Superintendent of pLilice. The gun 
must be produced for inspection whenever required by an officer 
not under the rank of a Myouk or head constable, or a Jemadar of 
Military Police. The amount of ammunition alliwed and to be ex- 
hibited on requisition is J lb. of powder, 50 caps, and a proportionate 
quantity of bullets or buckshot, and this ammunition is procured 
only from the District Superintendent of Police, If the license- 
holder lends, loses, or in any way parts with his gun, his license 
and those of all other license-holders in his village are cancelled 
and the arms are confiscated. These licenses are liable to be with- 
drawn at any time at the discretion of the Government. Further, 
the number of licenses in each district was fixed by the Chief Com- 
missioner and could not be increased without his sanction. 

The policy adopted was thus not that of depriving loyal and cou- 
rageous people of their means of protection, if they had shown 
themselves able and willing to use their arms in their own defence. 
It was a measure for depriving dacoits and outlaws of the means of 
obtaining arms and for concentrating in defensible positions the 
weapons which were allowed to remam in the hands of the people. 
The wisdom of the policy was abundantly proved by its results. 



Whenever a district was disarmed, dacoit bands either disappeared 
or surrendered and the people settled down to peace and ordnr. In 
some places Ihe wildne^s of the country or other local causes 
delayed the process, but everywhere eventually the result was the 
same, and the people by degrees grew to understand that they would 
be held responsible and would be punished for failure to assist the 
authorities in keeping the peace. 

Ye-u was one of the districts in which disarmament was earliest 
introduced and the results there are typical of what came about 
later in all the districts. Already in 1887 the number of guns col- 
lected was 1,088, including Hve Jin^a/s, of which 148 were cap- 
tured in action. The greater number of ihcse were destroyed, only 
the beiter-class arms being retained to be re-issued to friendly and 
well-disposed villages. One hundred and ninety-two licenses to pos- 
sess guns had been granted and the minimum then allowed to vil* 
lagts was five and the only village which was allowed 20 was that 
of Madinbin, the native village of Maung Aung Gyi, the Nab^kgyi 
Myook. who was loyal from the very first. There was no instance 
in which licensed guns fell into the hands of dacoits, and in seve- 
ral instances villagers used their weapons with good effect against 
dacoits. The result was apparent in the list of dacoit has and da- 
coits who surrtMidered or were captured. These belonged chiefly 
to the gangs of Hla U, Nga Mya, and Nga Mye Gyi. The num- 
ber of leaders who surrendered was 96 and of ordinary dacoits 474 ; 
those who were captured were rg leaders and 197 of their followers. 
Of those who surrendered more than half were branded as profes- 
sional dacoits in Burmese limes. Tliose who surrendered were 
released on bail, the bos on Rs, 500 and the ordinary dacoits on 
from Rs. 400 to Rs. 200, according to their importance. Some of 
these were men of con-iiderable prominence, notably the Ngaya Bo, 
Hpo \Va, who was one of Hla U's two senior chiefs, and Nga 
Maing, his first cousin. Other bogyoks were Nga Te, Nga Thaw, 
Tha Aung, Nga Thfe, and Nfi^a Teit. Many of them and of their 
followers took office under the British Governmenl as thugyis, th^oe- 
fhaukgyis, gaufigs, and the like, and most served with zeal and fi- 
dehly, whik- a few endangered life and property in the British service. 
Tha Aung in parlicubr was murdered by his former companions. 
Twenty-six of those who surrendered were^^, the paid bravoes ft'ho 
formed Ilia U's body-guard and were the most daring in their at- 
tacks. Of ihecaptufL'd hos, only three were executed— Nga Taw, the 
head of the Kawthandi gang ; Nga .Mya Mya, the head of the north- 
ern Tabayin gang ; and Nga Teit, one of Hla U's most prominent 
lieutenants. The rest were sentenced tu terms of imprisonment 
Tanging up to transportation for life The Deputy Commissioner's 


report ends as follows : " The general result of our action, military 
" and civil, against dacolts is that there is not a single dacoit leader 
" of the first class left to oppose us. Nga Mya was captured by the 
" friendlies, sentenced, and shot ; Hla U killed by his own confeder- 
"ates; Hantha shot in action by the 3rd Hyderabad Contingent 
" Cavalry ; and Nga Mye Gyi killed while resisting his arrest by the 
" Burman police under Myook Po Thein. All the remaining import- 
" ant leaders have been captured and punished, or have surrendered, 
" and are now on bail leading peaceful and quiet lives, and in many in- 
" stances furthering the interests of that very Government which 
*' they so determinedly opposed. The few leaders that are still out 
" are men of no influence and have no following. The country is 
" being thoroughly scoured by Burman mounted police under the 
" guidance of the several Myooks, and captures of individual and of 
" entire gangs of dacoits are almost of daily occurrence. The dis- 
" trict is perfectly quiet from end to end, and old Burmans who know 
"the country admit that they have never known it so free from 
" crime and life and property more secure." 


CHAP, v.] 





In 1887 the Military force available was about 32,000 men, with 
two Major-Generals Commanding; Divisions and six Brigadier-Gen- 
erals, in addition to the fairly drilled and disciplined Military Police. 
With this force it was possible to carry out vigorous and combined 
offensive operations with a number of small flying columns. Sir 
Herbert Macpherson, the Commander-in-Chief of the Madras Army, 
was to have commanded the whole of the Upper Burma Field Force, 
but he died within a short time of his arrival in the country and 
almost before the season's operations had commenced. Sir Freder* 
ick Roberts, the Commander-in Chief of the Troops in India, took his 
place. The plan adopted was that special operations were to be 
undertaken against the more formidable bands of dacoits and the 
general occupation of the country was to radiate from the already 
established posts. Whenever police were available, they were to 
relieve the troops in the occupation of the intermediate posts, with 
well kept up communications between them all and constant and 
systematic patrols. Outside these lines of posts the chief military 
operations were undertaken, and inside them the Civil Officers, sup- 
ported by the troops and police, directed their attention to the 
settlement of the country. 

This had very immediate results. At first the organized bands 
had been numbered by hundreds and even thousands, and in |886 
regularly organized columns went out against these. It was seldom 
possible to bring them to an engagement, and all that could ordi- 
narily be done was to disperse them and drive them off. This pro- 
cess was now repeated with the addition that the gangs were allow- 
ed to settle nowhere. Generally speaking, it may be said that during 
1886 the struggle was with large and powerful gangs that occasion- 
ally made a stand, or were so numerous that they could not all get 
off the ground before the British column fell on them. The sym- 
pathy of the people was ihen largely with them and Government 
had little authority outside its posts, or beyond the neighbourhood 
of its columns, while as soon as these retired the dacoits gathered 
together again. 

During 1887 the large bands were broken up and their place was 
taken by smaller gangs. These had still a strong hold on certain 



villages, but many other Ullages had beguTi to submit. In these the 
dacoit leaders tried to maintain their influence by terrorism, plain 
brigandage, torture, and murder. It was a year in most districts of 
hardly any open fighting, of many violent crimes, of endless pursuit 
of ever -concealed outlaws. To say the truth the outlaws with their 
means of getting early intelligence of the movement of troops and 
their system of terrorism maintained thcmselveslittle, if atall reduc- 
ed in numbers. But sustained action and dogged persistence in 
spite of disappointments had their inevitable result in the end. The 
leaders were one by one killed, captured, driven into isolation, and 
flight beyond the frontier, or were forced to surrender. The gangs 
steadily decreased in number and strength ; they received less and 
less accession of men, and consequently less support and protection 
from the villagers, as their numbers became reduced to the original 
nucleus of confirmed bad characters, and public feeling became 
more and more enlisted on the side of law and order. Within 
two years a great part of Upper Burma was as free from trouble 
as the Lower Provmces. Some districts, where wide tracts of un- 
cultivated forest, miles of water-logged country, reeking with mala- 
ria, or confused tangles of scrub-jungle and ravines offered the 
dacoits safe retreats, were not reduced to order for a year or two 
longer, but the result was the same everywhere and, when the armed 
bands were done with, there was actually much less crime in Upper 
than in Lower Burma. 

But this was not effected without very great toil and consider- 
able loss of life. The advance on and the taking of Mandalay were 
the merest trifle, little more than an object lesson in militar)' move- 
ments and instructive manoeuvres for the subsidiary departments, 
compared with the work of the pacification. That was a perpetual 
record of acts of gallantry which passed unnoticed because they 
were so constant ; of endless marches by night and by day, through 
dense jungle, where paths could hardly be traced, over paths which 
were so deep in mud that men could hardly march over them and 
animals stuck fast, over stretches where no water was to be found andj 
nothing grew but thorn-bushes, over hills where there were no paths at 
all ; and with all this but rarely the chance of an engagement to cheer 
the men, stockades found empty, villages deserted, camps evacuated, 
endless disappointments, and yet everywhere the probability of an 
ambuscade in every clump of trees, at any turn of the road, from each 
stream bed, line of rocks, or ravine. The difficulties were also greatly 
increased by the fact that by far the greater portion of the country 
was absolutely unknown and that for long it was difficult to get 
competent guides, in some cases owing to the want of goodwill on 
the part of the inhabitants, but far too often because of the treat- 

CHAP, v.] 



ment the guides afterwards met with at the hands of the dacoits 
or their friends. Many were murdered, others had their ears 
cropped off, the more lucky only had their cattle stolen and their 
houses burnt. It is impossible to give a connected history of such 
a campaign, because it consisted of entirely disconnected incidents 
and yet it called for constant individual courage and unflagging 
endurance with no such cheering incidents as the charge of a Zulu 
impi, or the storming of a position stubbornly held. It is the 
fashion to call the Burman a coward, but the accusation is not fair. 
He would have been a fool if he had accepted battle with flintlocks 
and Brown Besses to oppose against case shot and machine guns. 
The character of the country made it impossible to launch masses 
armed with da and spear against British companies, and the only 
alternative to this was ambushes. TIic dacoit fired off his gun and 
(hen ran to some place a couple of miles off where He could 6nd 
time to load it again without being disturbed. This was undoubted- 
ly his proper course, but it made operations very arduous. Moreover, 
it is hardly an exaggeration to say that the whole population was 
in sympathy, in one way or another," with the dacoits, though this 
did not necessarily imply any personal aversion to British authority. 
The Burman, though he cannot be described as warlike in the ordi- 
nary sense of the term, has a traditional and deep-rooied love of 
desultory fighting, raiding, gang-robbery, and similar kinds of excite- 
ment. Villages had long-standing feuds with villages, and many 
young peasants, otherwise respectable, spent a season or two as 
dacoits without in any way losing their reputation with their fellow- 
villagers. If there were any under native rule who had scruples 
about engaging in daooity pure and simple, they had always plenty 
of opportunity tor leading a very similar mode of life as partisans of 
one of the numerous pretenders to the throne, one or more of whom 
were every now and again In open revolt against the de facto sove- 
reign. As the monarchy was hereditary only in the sense of being 
confined to the members of the Alaungpaya family, each scion of the 
royal line considered himself justified in raising the banner n( in- 
surrection if he imagined that he had a fair chance of success, and he 
could generally plead in justification of his conduct that his success- 
ful rival on the throne had endeavoured to put him and all his near 
male relations to death. These various elements of anarchy no 
king of Burma, not even King Mind6n, who was generally loved and 
respected, was ever .ible to suppress. Sometimes a sovereign of un- 
usual energy obtained comparative tranquillity for a short period by 
executing or imprisoning all his more formidable rivals, and by em- 
ploying energetic leaders who could break up the larger gangs of 
dacoits, but such periods of tranquillity seldom lasted long, be- 



cause the efforts to organize a regular army and an efficient police 
were always neutralized by the incapacity of the officials and the 
obstinate repugnance of the people to ail kinds of discipline. This 
had been the ordinary state of the country, and in King Thibaw's 
time these ordinary evils were rather more pronounced than usual. 
In his reign the authority of the Government latterly did not 
extend much beyond the district of Mandalay and the immediate 
neighbourhood of the main routes of communication, and, even 
within this limited area, there was an increasing amount of anarchy 
and niatadministralion. Not a few of the Ministers were in league 
with the dacoii leaders, who roamed about Thibaw's dominions 
and occasionally, like Bo Shwe, disturbed the peace of the British 
frontier districts. All this existed before Mandalav was taken, and 
the situation was aggravated by our easy and rapid success in the 
advance on the capital, and still more by the delay which followed 
in determining what was to be done with the country. The history 
of the pacification of Pegu was much the same. It was less than 
quarter the area and with less than one-third of the population of 
Upper Burma, excluding the Shan States ; it was far more accessible 
and, although our efforts were supported by a very large military 
force, by local levies, and by gun-boats which could operate in the 
net-work of tidal streams, forming the Irrawaddy delta, yet at the 
end of the first year of the occupation broad districts were still in 
the hands of insurgents and robber chiefs. At the end of the second 
year large bands of robbers and rebels were still at large and great 
tracts remained into which British influence had not extended. 
During the third year parts of the country were still much disturbed 
and British officers could not move about without an escort; occa- 
sional reverses befell our troops and large rewards for tlie apprehen- 
sion of robber leaders were offered in vain. One notable guerilla 
chief, for whose capture a reward of over Rs. 20,000 was offered, 
dominated and harried the Tharrawaddy district for several years and 
finally retired to Mandalay, where his descendants liow live in 
prosperity. It was not until 1861, or eight years after the annexa- 
tion, that the province entered fairly on peace and contentment. 
With greater difficulties and fewer advantages, Upper Burma was 
pacified in half that time. 

The situation which met us when annexation had been determin- 
ed on was this — When the local authorities beyond the reach of our 
earlier posts found ihat I hey were not supported or controlled by 
any central authority from Mandalay, ihey either commenced to 
rule their districts themselves, or they were frightened off by local 
dacolt leaders or rivals and made the best of their way to the near- 
est British station. There was naturally a good deal of compe- 

CHAP, v.] 



tition among the upstart rulers, and each one set about strength- 
ening his position and extending his influence as far as he could. 
Professional dacoits naturally formed a strong nucleus of such 
bands and, when we came in contact with them, compromised the 
character of all the rest. The usual plan adopted was to send 
round orders to different villages to provide a certain number of 
guns and a certain number of men who were to rendezvous at a 
named spot. This order was generally accompanied by a demand 
for money. In this way in populous districts huge bands were 
collected in a very short time and the villages that had refused to 
comply with the orders were promptly attacked, for even later it 
was very seldom that the dacoits attacked our troops. It often 
happened that one dacoit bo would summon a village that had 
supplied men or arms to another bo, and such incidents establislied 
a feud between the two bands. It was very rarely that two neigh- 
bouring dacoit bands were on friendly terms with each other, but 
this was in no sense an assistance to our troops. These were re- 
garded at first certainly as opposition bands starting opposition 
bos in their districts. To starve one another and our troops out 
they exercised a complete terrorism. The village that refused to 
help them or the village that assisted any other band, whether 
British or Burmese, was burned and plundered on the first oppor- 
tunity ; and they maintained their authority against that of the 
British by exerting this terrorism on the country, rather than by 
fighting the troops. A band of from a couple of hundred to per- 
haps 4,000 would collect with a certain object. When that was 
accomplished they dispersed. If they were attacked by our troops, 
they almost invariably melted away. They had no intention of 
fighting us and never stood unless they were forced to. If they 
were lucky and killed one or two soldiers, their prestige increased ; 
if they were unlucky and lost some men themselves, these victims 
were considered fools for not getting out of the way of the soldiers 
and the remainder re-assembled the next time they were summoned, 
not in the least degree demoralized. The villagers for long would 
give our troops not the very least assistance or information for a 
variety of reasons. At first undoubtedly they did not care to do 
it ; as often as not they would not, because the bands opposed to 
us were composed of themselves, their friends, and their relatives; 
and again they had no particular desire to be rid of their local 
leader. They knew him and they knew the lengths he would go, 
and many of these bos ruled with discretion and moderation where 
they were supported and not thwarted. Moreover, it was found 
that assistance could not with justice be accepted, even If profler- 
red from villagers who did not live under the immediate protection, 



err witliin ea^ str&mg distance, of an esubfished miUuiy pose 
Unless ihcf were afterwards protected, pmtfbinent by the dacohs 
was certain to follow aid or information given to oar colainns 

The general procedure of a band of dacoits was to approadi the 
village to be dacoited soon after dark. WTien they got dose tbey 
began to fire ofl their guns. Usually the villagers bolted and then 
the dacoits ransacked the houses and burnt them when they left. 
If the dacoit fire was replied to, they made off, unless their band 
was large, or they set the viUage on fire by throwing disks of burn- 
ing oiled rope on the thatch roofs. The people then seized their 
V2Uuables and made off with them and were looted br the dacoits 
as they went. As a rule dacoits did not attadc villages which 
they found alert and awake ; hence it was a very comnwn custom 
for the villagers to fire off their guns in the air from lime to time 
during the night, and, when there was any disturbance in a village 
at night, all the inhabitants rattled their bamboos to show that 
they were awake. 

Every village surrounded itself with impenetrable hedges of prickly- 
pear, or with matted lines of dry brambles and thorns which coiud 
not be rushed and were very dimcult to cut a way through. Behind 
this hedge there often stood a sort of mtrad&rs, look-out posts, or 
crow's nests, placed at inten'als all round. Any village that was 
thriving, or that was worth dacoiting, could be told at once by the 
appearance of its defences; but this was no guide in the early years 
of the occupation as to its character, since for a long time the most 
thriving villages were the headquarters of the different gangs of 
dacoits, and later they often supplied food to the robber bands 
camped in the jungle near at hand. A favourite site for a camp, 
when our flying columns had rendered the villages no longer safe, 
was in the dry bed of a nullah, or in a dense expanse of kain^ grass. 
In such places when a fire was kindled, they fanned it with a circu- 
lar piece of wicker-work called a ban, in order to prevent the smoke 
from ascending. This was not so necessarj' in forest jungle. 

As regards the atrocities committed by the dacoits, they were 
very seldom wanton. There were many instances of the most 
barbarous and inhumane practices, but these were exceptional cases 
for the extortion of evidence, or to find where treasure was buried ; 
on such occasions they spared neither age nor sex. The cases of 
crucifixion, of which so much was heard, were not what we under- 
stand by the term. A man was tied to the frame-work to be killed 
occasionally, but usually he was killed before he was crucified. Any 
man who was killed while out dacoiting was tied up on a crucifix by 
the villagers, and so were thieves who had been executed and any 

CHAP, v.] 



objectionable person who met his death by violence. The body was 
always ripped up after death, which gave the appearance of cruelty. 
What torture there was, assumed the form of spread-eagling the vic- 
tim in the sun, crushing the limbs between bamboos, or suspension 
head downwards in the stocks ; and to that the villagers were accus- 
tomed for non-payment of revenue. Crucified persons were not 
buried, and in consequence crucifixes, old and new, occupied and un- 
occupied, were seen all over the country and were constantly met 
with, for they were usually set up in conspicuous places, at cross- 
roads or outside villages. But they were by no means always or 
indeed usually traceable to the dacoits. 

The inordinate national vanity, which forms so prominent a trait 
in the Burmese character, leads them to the deepest admiration 
for a person of royal blood, and thus the survivors of the palace 
massacres had followers almost thrust upon themj while adventurers 
found it very easy to gull the population, which they did all the more 
easily because the strictest Court ceremonies were maintained in 
their bands ; ministers were appointed ; royal orders were issued, 
scratched in proper form on tapering palmyra leaves ; proclamations 
were issued stamped with lion, or rabbit, or peacock seals; huts in 
which the leaders lived were called temporary palaces and the bands 
royal armies. If there was no gold and silver plate, then they ate off 
plantain leaves, for royalty alone should eat off such a leaf. 

The country in which these bands were hunted down was by no 
means easy and it had, broadly speaking, three different characteris- 
tics, each of which had special difficulties. These physical features 
were the lowlying alluvial tracts^ the sandy and comparatively 
speaking dry tracts, and the hilly and jungly tracts. The alluvial 
tracts, of wHich the country round Mandalay or Kyauksfe is typical, 
are extensively irrigated and almost exclusively under rice crops. 
From February lo May they are hard and dry and are traversable 
in any direction ; for the rest of the year they are either under culti- 
vation, or they become swamps and are only just practicable for 
transport animals, so that rapid movements are out of the question 
Trees and patches of jungle everywhere confined the view to a few 
hundred yards. Except in the dry season, mounted men could not 
operate and infantry last sight and touch of the flying enemy in a 
very short time. It was in this sort of country that the largest 
dacoit bands collected, numbering in the earlier days as many as 
3,000 or 4,000. The temporary auxiliaries easily vanished, when 
attacked, into the numerous villages and the nucleus of professional 
robbers had retreats in dense jungle, the locality of which was only 
learnt after repeated disappointments. 




[ CHAP. V. 

TTie sandy tracts are found in the country between the Panlang 
and the Irrawaddy and generally midway between the greater rivers — 
the Irrawaddy, the Chindwin.and the Mu. Inside these there were 
always stretches of swarapy cuUivation^ but except for these the 
country was practicable all the year round. The water, however, is 
often brackish for miles at a stretch ; the vegetation is thorny scrub 
jungle in bushes or patches, with no shelter for the greater part of the 
day, and maize and millet and palmyra palm sugar were what the 
bulk of the people lived on and were the only supplies available. 
In such tracts the gangs seldom numbered more than 200 or 300, 
but the one band ranjjed over a very wide area. 

The hilly and jungly tracts were those in which the dacoits held 
out longest. Such were the country between Minbu and Thayet- 
myo and the teraial the foot of Ihe Shan Hills and the Arakanand 
Cnin Hills. Here pursuit was impossible. The tracts are narrow 
and tortuous and admirably adapted for ambuscades. Except by 
the regular paths, there were hardly any means of approach ; the 
jungle malaria was fatal to our troops; a column could only pene- 
trate the jungle and move on. The villages are small and far between ; 
they are generally compact and surrounded by dense impenetrable 
jungle. The paths were either just broad enough for a cart, or very 
narrow, and, where they led through jungle, were overhung with 
brambles and thorny creepers. A good deal of the dry grass and 
undenvood is burned in March, but as soon as the rains commence 
the whole once more becomes impassable. 

Unmade cart tracks were found almost everywhere. In the sandy 
tracts they were open all the year round, but in the alluvial districts 
carts could not ply from June till November. None of the roads 
were anything but lines cleared of tree growth. They were never 
made and rarely tended and the wheels of the country carts cut 
ruts a foot and eighteen inches deep and that ordinarily only 
on one side of the road at a time, so that no wheeled con- 
veyances, except country carts, could go over them. Columns 
could never advance along cart tracks on a broader front than 
infantry fours and along pack tracks only in single file. It was 
not surprising therefore that the earlier columns were compared 
by the Burmese to a buffalo forcing his way through elephant 
grass. The reeds (and the dacoits) closed up again immediately 
after the passage. Unless a gang was come up with before it 
dispersed, it was quite impossible to do anything, and in a populous 
or jungly district the biggest band would completely rnelt away 
in 20 minutes. As the dacoits so rarely stood and when at- 
tacked disappeared so quickly, columns composed entirely of in- 

CHAP, v.] 



fantr)' operated at a great disadvantage. They would have to 
march for five or six hours» pushing on as fasl as they could and 
making a circuit over unfrequented paths and in the end had to go 
in straight for the position, for if they halted a moment the dacoits 
would have vanished. To follow them up for long was impossible, 
for the gang spread in every direction ; ihey were slightly clad, fresh, 
knew the country, and could keep out of sight in patches of jungle 
and villages ; therefore in the second year's operalioiis great use was 
made of cavalry and mounted infantry. They could surprise the 
bands by their rapid movements, they could outstrip spies and 
when they came upon a gang they kept them in sight and in touch 
so that some punishment was always inHicted and the dispersal 
was the more complete and alarming. It was only in the hills and 
in dense jungle that the mounted infantry could not operate, and it 
was only there that serious opposition existed after the cold weather 
of 1S87. Even in such places they were able to effect much by 
the distances which they could cover. 

At the beginning of 1887 the administration of the Upper and 
Lower Provinces was practically distinct, although both were nomi- 
nally under the Chief Commissioner. A special Commissioner, Mr. 
Hodgkinson, was stationed in Rangoon and controlled the lower 
prowce, while the Chief Commissioner remained almost entirely 
in Mandalay. The Secretariat for Upper Burma was located in 
Mandalay and was distinct from that of Lower Burma. After the 
spring of 1887 great changes for the better took place and much 
progress was made in the introduction of order and settled adminis- 
tration. In May therefore, when Mr. Hodgkinson's services were 
requited elsewhere, the Chief Commissioner assumed the immediate 
control of both parts of the province. For a time it was found 
necessary to continue the system of administering Upper Burma 
with a Secretariat in Mandalay and Lower Burma with a Secretariat 
in Rangoon. But as soon as possible this arrangement, which had 
many inconveniences, was abandoned, and from the latter part of 
1887 the combined Secretariat establishment was stationed at the 
headquarters of Government in Rangoon. At the beginning of the 
year the Upper and Lower Burma Medical establishments were 
amalgamated and somewhat later a similar reform was introduced 
in Public Works administration. A later administrative change of 
much importance was the appointment of a Financial Commissioner 
and later still the Police Departments of Upper and Lower Burma 
were united under one Inspector-General, so that all branches of the 
public service in both divisions of the province were united under 
the several departmental heads. 



This was made possible by the systematic operations which have 
been outlined above. The Mandalay district 
iritts'tn^iS'-sa' ^^ ^'^* reduced to order with conspicuous success. 
The dacoit leaders who throughout 1886, and 
for some time during the year 1S87, practically administered large 
parts of the district, were either captured, driven out, or had sur- 
rendered. The town of Mandalay itself, which 
necessarily was the centre of any political intrigue 
or discontent that might exist, remained undisturbed by any serious 
outbreak after April 1S86. Since the beginning of 1S87 it has 
been as free from serious crime as any town in India. A Munici- 
pality was established, and the Committee, which comprised re- 
presentatives of all classes of the community, set vigorously to 
work. Many good roads were made, the principal quarters were 
well lighted, and a very large number of substantial masonry houses 
were erected. In the beginning of 1887 the condirion of the district 
was very far from being as satisfactory as that of the town. The 
south-eastern portion about Pylnulwin was troubled by the Setkya 
pretender, who was reported in August 18S7 to have a permanent 
following of 200 men and to be able to call out 300 more when 
requirecT In an attack on one of his positions Lieutenant Darrah, 
As.sistant Commissioner at Maymyo, was killed, Nga ToandJ^ga 
Yaing held the islands of the Irrawaddy and were harbourea and 
supported by the villages near the river-bank on the borders of 
Mandalay, Shwebo, and Sagaing. Nga To was especially active 
and in 1888 burnt a village almost under the walls of Mandalay. 
Nga Zeya held the tract o7 country known as Yegi-Kyabin to the 
north and north-east of the district. Among many minor leaders 
may be mentioned Nga Pan Gaing, Nga Lan, Nga Thein, Nga 
Tha Aung, Nga Tha Slaung, Nga Aung Min, and Nga Lu. The 
whole district outside the walls of Mandalay was more or less under 
the influence of these leaders, who levied contributions on the villages 
in the tracts which they dominated. By steady perseverance, and 
without demanding more than occasional assistance from the troops, 
the district was freed from all these leaders. Three were killed, 
seven were captured, and 25 surrendered. The Setkya pretender 
was driven first into Kyauksfe district and then into the Shan States. 
He was captured there and sent to Kyauksfe, where he was tried 
and executed. Nga Yaing's gang was dispersed and he himself 
was captured and executed at Shwebo. Nga Zeya, at one time the 
most formidable of all, was drivenoutof the district and, afteriaking 
refuge for some time on the borders of Tawng Peng and Mong 
Mit, moved into Chinese territory. Nga To, the last of the leaders 
who gave serious trouble, was hotly pursued in the early months of 

CHAP, v.] 



1889 and every member of his gang was either killed, captured, or 
compelled to surrender, though Nga To himself escaped. The 
only source of trouble who remained was Kyaw Zaw, one of the 
Setkya pretender's lieutenants, who hung about in the hills on the 
borders of the Pyinulwm subdvivision and Kyaukse. What crimes 
there were were the acts of local criminals and not of standing 
bands. Survey operations were begun and regular methods of 
administration everjwhere introduced. In the open season thou- 
sands of pack-bullocks and pedlars carrying loads began to come 
down from the Shan States and from China. The Municipal re- 
turns showed that the trade by the Hsipaw route had doubled. In 
1887-88, 13,300 pack-bullocks with merchandise valued at Rs. 
4,56,518 entered Mantlalay. In 1888-89 ^^^ number of laden bul- 
locks was 27,170, and the value of the goods Rs. 7,30,279. The 
town and district of Mandalay had not been so peaceful and secure 
since the time of Mlndon Min, and dacoity and cattle-lifting had 
never been so rare. In some instances dacoit leaders of note ac- 
cepted service under Government and did good work in assisting to 
maintain order. The revenue collections in 1887-88 amounted lo 
^83,326 as compared with ^39,072 in the previous year. 

The Bhamo district remained fairly quiet and in fact was only dis- 
g. turbed, except in the Mogaung subdi\ision, by 

occasional raids of Kachins from the hills. Oper- 
ations against the Kachin tribesmen are dealt with separately. It 
is therefore only necessary to say here that in some instances re- 
prisals were inflicted by punitive expeditions sent to destroy the 
mountain fastnesses of the raiders, while in others negotiations for 
the purpose of obtaining satisfaction were successfully conducted. 
In one case mounted infantry from Bhamo, under Captain Couch- 
man, pursued the marauders, came up with them before they reach- 
ed the hills, and inflicted signal chastisement. It was believed 
that most of these raids were planned or suggested by the adherents 
of Saw Yan Naing, the son of the Metkaya Prince, and by Hkam 
Leng, the claimant of M6ng Leng and Mong Mit, who escaped 
from custody at Katha. Possibly they also were responsible for 
the appearance on the Mole stream, north-east of Bhamo, of a band 
chiefly composed of deserters from the Chinese army and Chinese 
outlaws generally. These were, however, very promptly dispersed. 

The Ponkan Kachins, who defied our authority successfully in 
1886, and afterwards raided within a few miles of Bhamo itself, also 
it is supposed, in collusion with Hkam Leng, were punished and 
compelled lo make terms, and this was accomplished almost without 
opposition. A militar)' force under General Wolseley occupied the 
principal village of the tribe and remained there long enough to 



make it evident that the Government intended to compel complete 
submission. The Kachins complied with the terms imposed upon 
them, which included the restoration of captives, the payment of a 
moderate indemnity, and the sunender of a number of guns. 

The Mogai:ng subdivision had been \'isiied, but it practically 
remained beyond the limits of our control until December 1889, 
when ^ strong force of troops and military police marched up from 
a point on the right bank of the Irrawaddy, a little above Bhamo. 
The Jade Mines lie to the north-west of Mogaung and are a valu- 
able source of revenue, besides affordinoj occupation to many 
Chinese and other traders. A strong police post was established 
in Mogaung and the mines and the great lake (Indawgyi) to the 
south-west of the Jade Mines were visited. The tact and good 
management of Major Adamson, who was the Ci\41 Officer in charge 
of the expedition, induced the Kachin Sa-ivbwas, who dominate the 
tract in which the jade mines are situated, to tender their submis- 
sion. But for the treachery of the Burmese Myook, Maung Po 
Saw, who had been in charge of Mogaung since the annexation, but 
fled when the town was occupied by the military police, the expedi- 
tion would have attained its object without meeting opposition. 
But Maung Po Saw succeeded in inspiring some of the Kachin 
tribes with distrust and the column was fired on several times on its 
march back to Mogaung. The troops returned to Bhamo and the 
Gurkha Military Police levy had so much trouble with the Kachin 
tribesmen that, though they maintained all their positions and inflict- 
ed two severe defeats on Maung Po Saw and his chief lieutenant 
Bo Ti, notably when in May 188S they made a determined attack 
on the town and stockade of Mogaung, a mixed force of police and 
troops marched up again in the spring of 1889. They operated in 
the hills from February to May, with the result that about 100 
Kachin villages tendered their submission and entered on friendly 
relations with the local officers, while posts were established at 
important points. The ^x- Myook Po Saw and his lieutenant 
J^o Ti disappeared, and a military police post was established at 
Kamaing on the principal route to the Jade Mines, with the result 
that traders could move about with perfect freedom. No pains were 
spared to conciliate the Kachins and to show them that, while we 
would not pass over without punishment any outrages committed 
by them, we had no intention of interfering with their customs or 
subjecting them to needless restraint. The Chinese, who are an 
important element of the community in the town of Bhamo, and are 
the chief traders in the district^ throughout behaved well. The 
trade routes to China, which had been practically closed for ten 
years owing to disputes with the Kachins, who had to be propitiated 

CHAP, v.] 



before a caravan could pass, was now opened under an agreement 
concluded with the traders and Kachins and the former serious im- 
pediments were believed to have disappeared. In 1887-88 the 
bhamo revenue amounted to £g,2^i as compared with £^,^97 
in the previous year. 

In the Katha district (still at that time called Myadaung) progress 
was made in district administration and in the 
maintenance of order. There were only a few 
sporadic dacoities of a not very serious type in the south of the district. 
This part of the country had been sparsely populated since the rebel- 
lion of the Padein Prince in 1 866 and had from that time borne a bad 
reputation. In 1887 it was disarmed and the establishment of police 
posts in suitable positions did much to restore confidence. The 
revenue of the district rose from £3,1^0 in 1886-87 ^^ ;^*9.5*4 "^ 
the following year. The neighbouring so-called Shan State of 
Wuniho caused some anxiety. Early in the year 1887, after being 
pressed by a force which occupied the capital of the State, and after 
prolonged negotiations, the Saw Sti' a tendered his submission, agreed 
to pay the revenue demanded, and accepted the essential clauses of 
the terms offered to him. On the whole he acted up to the terms 
of his agreement, but, though he furnished escorts to Hritish officers 
travelling for long distances through his territory, he would not 
receive them himself in a befitting manner and, though he complied 
with orders sent to him by the Deputy Commissioner, he would not 
go to visit him. The result was a good deal of trouble in the Kawlin 
subdivision. While the Wuntho people were allowed to possess 
arms practically without restraint, it was difficult to insist on the 
complete disarmament of Kawlin. In consequence of this, dacoity 
by organized bands did not altogether cease. Moreover, gangs from 
Wuntho occasionally raided in Katha. The Sawb-wa on demand 
either gave up the raiders or made compensation for injuries inflicted 
by them, and once or twice he co-operated with officers of the 
Katha district in dealing with dacoit gangs on the borders and was 
even said to have punished local officials who were in the habit of 
harbouring dacoits. His attitude was therefore not wholly unsatis- 
factory and a survey party carried a reconnaisance for the Mu 
Valley Railway right through the State of Wuntho in 18S8 and 
was assisted by the local officials under the Sawbwa's orders. 
Nevertheless, in the latter part of 18S9 special operations had to be 
undertaken for the thorough settling of the Kawlin subdivision and 
the adjacent parts of the Shwebo district, where Bo Nga Thalng 
remained at large. Every effort was made to induce Kham Leng, 
the pretender to the Sa^vb-waship of the joint territories of Mong 
Leng and Mong Mit, to submit peacefully to British supremacy. 




He was told that his claim to Mong Leng would be acknowledged 
and that his past hostility would be forgotten, but he preferred 
to remain irreconcileable. He was therefore expelled and the 
Mong Leng territory was partitioned between Mong Mit and 
Bhamo district. Hkam Leng then threw in his lot with the rebel 
PrinceSaw Yan Nalng. In 1887 Katha was enlarged by the addition 
of some of the riverain circles of the Ruby Mines district and so 
became conterminous on the left bank of the Irrawaddy with the 
Shan State of Mong Mit. Notwithstanding the post at Mabeln on 
the Shweli river, the followers of Saw Yan Naing and Hkam Len^, 
who were established in the hills to the east of Mong Mit, made 
a series of Inroads on this part of the district, but these were annoying 
rather than serious. 

The Shwebo district had always been noted for the turbulence 
and lawlessness of its inhabitants and for the 
first year or more the struggle remained one with 
bands of dacoits of formidable numbers and many of them dating from 
King Thibaw's time. The nature of the country was very favour- 
able to their movements and wide jungle tracts afforded them safe 
retreats, while they were troublesome even along the river, where 
Lieutenant C. B. Macdonald of H. M. S. Ranger was killed in attack- 
ing some dacoits at the village of Shagwe above Sheinmaga in Jan- 
uary 1 887. There had been an exodus from the district dating from 
1 882 and it did not cease until the end of 1887. After that, however, 
families began to come back from Lower Burma. Gradually these 
bands were broken up and most of the formidable leaders were either 
killed or captured. Nga Yaing and Nga To, who had also given 
trouble in the Mandalay district, haunted the south of Shwebo. Nga 
Yaing was arrested by a local Burmese official, but Nga To managed 
to escape arrest. The bands of both were completely destroyed 
and this completed the pacification o\ the south of the district, 
where the people now ventured to defend themselves and to trust 
the District Officers when they had news of dacoit movements. The 
leaders, Nga Aga and Nga Th6n, were driven from the centre to 
the north of the district, where also was the Bo, Kyauk Lon. There 
they found safety in the dense forests, but their power of offence 
had almost completely gone. Over ;f 20,000 was collected as rev- 
enue in Shwebo in 1887-88, more than double the amount obtained 
in the previous year. 

The Ruby Mines district remained quiet and undisturbed for 

about two years after its first occupation. Then 

troubles fell upon it from outside, the result of 

the vigorous action of thp troops in the plains which drove the 

robber leaders into the hills. Towards the end of 1888 it was 

CHAP, v.] 



reported that the capital of Mong Mit was threatened by a large 
gathering under Saw Yan Naing, who had established his head- 
quarters at Man Pon, three days* march to the north-east. In 
consequence of these reports a small detachment of troops was 
stationf;d at Mong Mit ; and after an unfortunate encounter in 
which, owing to insufficient information, a handful of troops suffer- 
ed a reverse a considerable body of dacoits which had advanced 
towards M6ng Mit was attacked and defeated with heavy loss. 
These disturbances, however, affected the rest of Mong Mit and 
the Ruby Mines district, the garrison of which had been weakened 
by the withdrawal of part of a Gurkha regiment for the Chin 
expedition. Twinngfe is an important village of 300 houses on 
the bank of the Irrawaddy, at that time included in the State of 
Mong Mit ; it was attacked and burned by a gang under Nga Maung 
of Twinngfe, one of the lieutenants of Hkam Leng noticed above. 
Another man of the same name, known as Heng Nga Maung of 
Mong Long, for[nerly in charge of the southern portion of that 
State, and other minor dacoits from the same neighbourhood 
threatened the district and caused a strong feeling of insecurity. 
On the Tawng Peng border Nga 2eya, the noted robber chief who 
had been driven out of the Mandalay district, was reported to have 
a considerable following. A good many dacoities were commit- 
ted in the district and the road from Thabeikkyin to Mog6k became 
very unsafe, during the rains, when it was haunted by the two Nga 
Maungs and one Paw Kwe, an fjv-official of Mog6k and a man of 
great local influence. 

The military garrison was therefore strengthened and the com- 
mand of all the troops and police was placed in the hands of Colo- 
nel Cochrane of the Hampshire Regiment, Under his orders an 
attack was made on Saw Yan Naing's stronghold at Man P6n and 
his gathering was dispersed. At the same time steps were taken 
to strike at the root of the evil by improving the administration of 
the neighbouring States. The Saxvhwa of Hsipaw was ordered to 
reform the administration of Mong Long, a more competent ruler 
was established in Mong Mit, and the Sa-wbwa of Tawng Peng was 
enjoined to keep order on his border. The military garrison was 
strengthened by the substitution of Gurkha for Madras troops, and 
the result was that the disturbances were reduced to sporadic petty 
dacouies. The commencement of operations by the Ruby Mines 
Company no doubt had excited the apprehensions and the ill-will 
of the resident miners, who had hitherto held a monopoly of the 
working of the mines. 

Ye-u at this time was a separate district and on the whole was 
fairly quiet, though there were occasional recru- 
descences of crime when dacoit leaders were 





driven from neighbouring turbulent districts to take shelter in the 
extensive forests which cover many parts of it. in July 1887 a 
somewhat serious rising took place in the Hmaw forest, an ex- 
tensive tract which was a traditional gathering place of dacoits 
and other outlaws. The movement was headed by two pretender 
Princes, variously called the Lfegaing Princes, the Umedat and 
Padaing Princes, Maung Maun^ Te and Min 0. The gathering 
was promptly dispersed by a combined movement of troops from 
the Chindwin and Ye-u districts. One of the leaders died of 
fever and the other disappeared for a time, to be arrested about 
a year later in the Lower Chindwin district, where he was trying 
to foment a rising, and was executed as a rebel. Later in the 
year 1887 an outbreak of dacoity, of a less serious nature, un- 
der Nyo U, one of HIa U's lieutenants, was also satisfactorily 
dealt with. Notwithstanding these disturbances, the revenue in- 
creased largely and various minor irrigation works were taken in 
hand with excellent results. Confidence in our rule was especially 
shown by the re-establishment of the ancient town of Tabayin, which 
had been burnt shortly after our occupaiion of Mandalay, and was 
now re-built under the superintendence of some loyal monks, who 
among other improvements arranged for the construction of a 
police-station at the expense of the new settlers. The civil police 
in Ye-u were almost entirely recruited in the district itself and did 
very good work under a locally appointed Myo6k, Maung Aung 
Gyi. In the end of 1888 only four dacoit leaders were known to be 
at large and eight had been killed. The neighbourhood of Wuntho 
on the north was in Ye-u, as in Katha, the cause of what dacoity 
still existed. The revenue, which in 1886-87 had been i^6,875, 
rose in the following year to £i6,$8i. 

In the beginning of 1887 Sagaing and Ava, which were then 

. separate districts but were amalgamated within 

gfl'ng. jj^^ j,g^j.^ ^,gj.^ practically held bv dacoit bands, 

who levied contributions on the villages and kept the country side 
in submission to them by terrorism. Most vigorous efforts were 
made to capture Hla U. Four columns operated in the triangle 
between the Irrawaddy and the Chindwin. Several camps were 
surprised and Hla U was pursued for miles by mounted parlies, but 
always escaped and always re-appeared. Eventually he was killed 
by one of his own followers, Bo Ton Baing. Bo Ton Baing dis- 
turbed the Chief's slumber by a gambling wrangle and Hla U fired 
his rifle over the head of the disputants. Ton Baing resented 
this interference with his pleasures and murdered the despotic 
robber chief in his sleep. This was in April 1887. 

This seemed to promise the breaking up of the band, but his 
lieutenants, among whom the chief were Nyo U, Nyo Pu, and MinO, 

CHAP. V,] 



, remained and aftera sVipht appearance of calm, and notwithstanding 
ihal numerous bodies oi troops were in continual pursuit of them, 
they steadily gathered strength and the people remained as little 
inclined as ever to put their trust in us. On iheAvaside the coun- 
try was more disburbed than it had been since the beginning of 1886- 
One leader, Shwc Yan, sallied out of the difficult country on the 
borders of Ava and Kyaukseand defied the efforts of the local offi- 
cials and in one engagement killed two of our officers, Lieutenant 
Williamson and Mr. O'Dowda, Assistant Superintendent of Police. 
Another leader, Bo T6kj was equally troublesome on the borders 
of Myingyan and Ava, and another, Shwe Yan, disturbed the south- 
west of the district. Throughout all 1887 there was little Improve- 
ment on the state of affairs in 1886. Special measures were there- 
fore begun in the early months of 1888 for the systematic reduc- 
tion of the district by Colonel (now Brigadier-General) Symons, 
assisted by Mr. Fforde, Mr. G. M. S. Carter (both now dead), 
Lieutenant Browning, and other Civil Officers. It had been found 
impossible to make any way by the methods employed up to then. 
The troops marched for days and never saw thedacoits, who never- 
theless continued to levy taxes from the villagers and to murder 
village officials and whoever was suspected of aiding the Govern- 
ment. The boldness of these gangs is exemplified by the fact that 
Myinmu, where there was a military and police garrison, was twice 
attacked and partly burnt in April and May 1888. Full use was 
therefore made of the Village Regulation. Villages which fed the 
gangs were removed or fined. The relatives of the dacoits, who 
arranged supplies for them and furnished them with information, 
both as to the movements of our parties and as to who were friends 
of the Government and therefore to be assassinated, were removed 
until the dacoits surrendered or were captured. The process was 
slow, but it was effectual. 

The dacoits had no rest in the forests and no refuge in the 
villages, while clemency was freely extended to all except the most 
heinous offenders. 

By the end of 188S, 26 leaders, among whom the chief were 
Nvo U, Nyo Pu, Shwe Yan, and Bo Tok had been killed and 26, 
including Min O and Nga Sawbwa, captured, one of them so far 
afield as the Pegu district, and seven surrendered. Most of the 
followers of these hos also surrendered and almost all of these were 
allowed to return to their homes on furnishing security for their 
good behaviour. The whole district was at the same time 
thoroughly disarmed and the result was that both Ava and Sagaing 
were for the first time for many years at peace, and what dacoit 
leaders remained at large were engaged rather in endeavouring to 



save themselves than in planning crimes. Since then the district* 
has given no trouble. 

Throughout 1887 the valley of the Chindwin continued to be ad- 
. ■ ministered as one district. But it had from the 

'*'"' first been intended to divide this vast tract into 

two jurisdictions and this was carried into effect in January 1888. The 
Lower Chindwin remained quiet until October 1887, when a serious 
outbreak occurred in Pagyi, the south-western portion of the district 
bordering on the Yaw country. The rising was headed by the so- 
called Shwegyobyu Prince. This man, who at the lime of the annex- 
ation was employed as a vaccinator in the Thayetmyo district of 
Lower Burma, held during 1886 a position at Kanlfe, between the 
Pagan, Myingyan, and Chindwin districts. He remained here un- 
disturbed for some time and, when he was driven out, corrupted • 
Maung Tha Gyiand other honorary head constables in Pagyi. Mr. 
Morrison, the Deputy Commissioner, was wounded in an attempt to 
capture Maung Tha Gyl, and a few days afterwards an attack was 
made on the Shwegyobyu at Chinbyitj 1 2 miles north of Mintaingbin. 
The dacoit outposts fired off their guns to announce the approach 
of the British force, and Major Kennedy of the Hyderabad Contin- 
gent, with Captain Revtlle, the Assistant Commissioner, galloped 
on 3 miles to the kyaungs, where the main body was, with 
30 mounted infantry. There was a stubborn fight and both 
Major Kennedy and Captain Beville were killed, while two sepoys 
were wounded. The dacoits, however, left 40 dead and Maung 
Tha Gyi and several bos were killed. This effectually put an end 
to disturbances for nearly a year, but the elements of mischief 
were not entirely removed. The country is exceedingly malarious, 
and it was not thought right to maintain police posts in the Shit- 
ywagyaung tract, which is the part of the Western Pagyi town- 
ship adjacent to Yaw, where the disturbances occurred. Towards 
the end of 1888, as a consequence, another attempt was made to 
excite a rising, but the ring-leader, a pseudo-^unce, was arrested, 
tried, and executed. Military police were sent to Shitywagyaung, 
and the dacoits and disaffected persons moved westward towards 
Gangaw and caused serious disorder in the Yaw country. The 
rising was not promptly and effectually dealt with by the troops at 
Gangaw and the adjacent posts, and reinforcements had to be sent. 
The Yaw country was then settled without much difficulty, and the 
great majority of the persons who liad taken part in the rising 
were allowed to return to their homes. But some of the Pagyi 
dacoits, under the leadership of a noted local robber called Saga, 
had been driven back to the Lower Chindwin district and immedi- 
ately began to give trouble. A military police post was therefore 

CHAP, v.] 



established at Seiktaung in the Shityawgyaung country and a 
special officer was deputed to bring this tract into ordnr. The 
result was as satisfactory here as in Sagaing. The operations 
resulted in the death of Bo Saga, who was hunted down by a party 
under the Myook of Western Pagyi, Maung Po O, a nephew of the 
Kinwun Mingyi. Upon this most of the gang surrendered and 
gave up iheir guns. Fifty dacoiis leaders had been killed or cap- 
tured, or had surrendered in eighteen months and the five who 
remained were reported as equally troubling Sagaing and Ye-u, a 
sufficient proof that they had no definite headquarters and had 
therefore ceased to be a serious danger. 

A great part of the Upper Chindwin district still remained 
practically unknown and unvisited. The district itself was not 
much disturbed by ordinary dacoity. There was an outbreak in 
the Mingin subdivision caused by the gang of iSo Saga mentioned 
above, but they were defeated and dispersed. The Kale Saivb-wa 
submitted to the Deputy Commissioner and, though he did not 
show much zeal or intelligence, yet he obeyed orders. In [887 the 
Chins began to give trouble. A large body of them descended on 
Kale from the hills and carried the Sawdn^a off as a prisoner, but 
afterwards allowed him to return when he had promised to support 
the Shwcgyobyu pretender. The Chins disappeared before our 
troops could reach them, and, though military and police posts were 
established in Kale to guard against further dislurbante, serious 
raids were committed by Chins of the Siyin and Sagyilain tribes on 
the Kabaw Valley and on other villages in the Kale .State. The 
Siyins and Kanhaws were severely punished during the open season 
1888-89, but this was not permanently effective and further action 
was necessary which is described in a later chapter. 

On the east of the Chindwin river a dacoit leader named Bo Lfe 
continued to hold out, though in 1889 he was attacked and his 
camp destroyed. This was partly due to the fact that the country 
between the Chindwin river and the jade mines of Mogaung still re- 
mained unvisited, while Wuntho remained a comparatively safe 
retreat and there Bo Le took refuge. The revenue of the Upper 
Chindwin, which in 1886-87 was ^^ 1,497, ^^^ '" ^^hc following year 
increased to ^£^7,586. 

After the death of the Myinzaing Mintha the Kyauksfe district 
was for many months comparatively free from 
^^" * ' internal disturbance, but in the early part of 1887 

it was subject to incursions from dacoits. who found a refuge in 
the small Shan State of Maw on the south-east border of the 
district. In April 1887 a military expedition visited Maw and dis- 




persed ihe dacoits, who, however, united again for a short 
under a leader, who plagiarized the title of Buddha Yaza. 
was, however, very soon put down. In the end of 1887 a more 
troublesome person appeared in Maw in the shape of a pretender, 
who culled himself the Setkya Mintha. He came from the 
Mandalay district and gathered most of the scattered dacoits 
round him in Maw. Troops were sent against him and ihcy were 
loyally supported by the Ngwegunhmu of the small State, who 
bore the Burmese title of Sinvednbo (colonel of an infantry regi- 
ment). The Setkya Mimha disappeared into the hills to the east 
and remained in obscurity for some lime, but in the latter part 
of the rains of 1888 he again collected a following and committed 
serious dacoities in the Kyauks^ district. He made a stand in a, 
strong position in the hills and was not driven out without diffi- 
culty and some loss to the police, but, when he fled into the hills 
to the east, he was captured and handed over by the loyal 
Sawifiia of Lawk Sawk and after trial was executed. Another 
noted leader, Myat Ilmon. who, with Maung Gyi, had surrendered 
and afLorwards absconded in 1887, again surrendered with his 
followers towards the end of 1888 and, after furnishing security, 
was allowed to go and live quietly in his own village. The only 
dacoit leader left was Kyaw Zaw, one of the Setkya pretender's 
lieutenants, who haunted for a time the difficult and wild hills to 
the north-east, on the borders of Kyauksfe and Mandalay, but had 
soon to move northwards through the Northern Shan States and 
eventually joined the small party which collected round the dis- 
affected Prince Saw Yan Namg. .Xlreatly in 1889 It was found 
fjossible to effect a considerable reduction in the military police 
orce of the district, a sure sign of tranquillity. 

The Myingyan district was disturbed mostly on its borders 
during; 1887: towards Ava by SoTdV. and to- 
wards Pagan by Bo Cho. The part of the dis- 
trict towards Mciktila was also not free from trouble until Lieu- 
tenant Tinley of the 2nd Bombay Lancers killed T6k Gyaw in 
May between Ylndaw and Meiktila. In other parts of the district 
the dacoities were of a comparatively unimportant nature. A 
rising, which might have been formidable, was suppressed at the 
outset by the capture of the leader, a real or pretended member of 
the Burmese Royal Family. Bo Tok was killed early in 18S8 by 
a detachment o( the Rifle Brigade under Major Sir Bartlc Frere, 
and his death relieved the northern part of the district. But Bo 
Cho remained at large and another leader, Yan Nyun, a man of 
much local influence and an ex-official^ also infested the western 
part of the district and committed dacoities attended with circum- 



Stances of much atrocity. Captain Hastings carried out a very 
successful series of operations, and full use was made of the Village 
Regulation, but the very difficult country in the neighbourhood of 
Poppa hill enabled 14 leaders to escape arrest, though their gangs 
were reduced to altogether insignificant numbers. Between 1887 
and 1889, 17 dacoit chiefs were killed inaction, 16 were captured, 
and 18 surrendered. In 1887-88 the revenue of the district rose to 
jf4i,887, compared with ^^27,388 in the previous year. 
The Pagan district ceased to exist under that name in i888' 
P kflkk The boundaries with Myingyan were revised, with 

the result that Myingyan took all the country 
to the east, while Pagan, under the name of Pakokku, lay exclu- 
sively west of the Irrawaddy. During 1887 the P6ppa hill jungles 
gave much trouble and a police post was attacked by dacoits, 
with the result that a special officer was put on duty for its settle- 
ment. A partial settlement of the Yaw country was effected 
early in 1887, but the country was not thoroughly explored and 
opened up, and in the end of the year the Shwegyobyu's adherents, 
Ya Kut, one of the most influential of the local officials, and a 
dacoit leader named Tha Do, who came from Minbu in the 
south, ovenan this tract. In the following open season energetic 
measures were taken. Tha Do was killed and Ya Kut arrested 
by loyal villagers, tried, and shot, and a local militia was raised 
among the people to undertake their own protection. The Chins 
on the hills above Yaw threatened to give trouble and attempts 
were made to secure their submission, but with no more success 
than was experienced in the Chindwin district. The rest of the 
district was disturbed a good deal by local dacoities, but none of 
the gangs were of any strength, and the military police, who here, 
as elsewhere, were beginning to learn their work, were quite able 
to deal with them, the more so since the people began to give re- 
gular information and themselves on more than one occasion beat 
off dacoits. In Pagan the revenue, which for the first year had 
been only ^^10,835, rose in the following year to ;^42,o95. 

In Minbu at the beginning of 1887 Bo Swfe held the south and 
the pongyi Oktama the north. The former was 
the more dangerous and aggressive and, as soon 
as the weather permitted, a general advance was made on him 
from the river. The different columns met with the slightest 
possible opposition, though in skirmishes with outposts and rear- 
guards Lieutenant Radclyffe of the Rifle Brigade and Lieu- 
tenant Poole of the Liverpools were wounded, but the large bands 
were thus finally broken up and the dacoits were forced out of 
the villages under the eastern slopes of the Arakan hills which 



had been their headquarters up till then. The upper portions of 
the M6n, the Ki, and the Man rivers were cleared and ihe bands 
were driven, some into the slopes of the Arakan Yoma, and others, 
broken up imo bands of lo or 20, into the central and lower ranges 
of hills. These bands were then hunted without cessation by the 
mounted infantry and cavalry under Captain Golightly, Lieutenants 
Wesllake and Armytage, and others. They were safe neither in the 
jungle, nor high up on the Arakan hills. Their camps were sur- 
prised, guns, ponies, and arms seized, and the leaders were soon 
fugitives, with none but their personal attendants. Bo Sw6 was 
hunted from the district altogether and in October 1887 was killed 
with 10 of his men near Milang6n in the Thayetmyo district by a 
party under Major Harvey of the South Wales Borderers. The 
south of the district was thus got into hand and remained fairly 
peaceful after April 1887. But there were other leaders, ByaingGyi, 
Nga Hmaw, Tha Do, Tha Tu, besides 6ktama and Okiaya, another 
monk, his principal heutenant. These had not been left at peace 
by the troops, but in the north the influence of (!)ktama was deeply 
rooted, the people through fear or sympathy were entirely on his 
side, and for months but little impression was made on his position. 
In April, Salin and Sinbyugyun were attacked, and throughout the 
rains of 1887 the Salin subdivision was disturbed by constant da- 
coilies. Captain Rendle of the 8th Madras Infantry was killed in 
an attack made on Sid6ktaya in September 1887. The active ope- 
rations of the following open season were not much more successful, 
and in April 1888, therefore, a resolute effort was made lo break 
Oktama's power. He and his leading followers were formally pro- 
claimed as rebels and declared beyond the hope of pardon, while a 
promise of amnesty was held out to all minor offenders who surren- 
dered with their arms by a fixed date. At the same time military 
and police operations were actively pressed, the Village Regulation 
was enforced for the punishment of passive sympathisers with the 
rebels, and people who displayed courage and loyalty were reward- 
ed for their services. One thousand two hundred and four persons 
took advantage of the promise of amnesty and surrendered on the 
terms offered to them and Oktama's power seemed to be finally 
broken. But there were still spasmodic efforts made, and in the 
end of 1888 the Burman police post at Sagu was vigorously at- 
tacked. Gradually, however, systematic vigilance and pursuit pre- 
vailed. Tun Zan was killed by his own followers in December 1888, 
Nga Hmaw was killed in January 1889 and most of his follow- 
ers surrendered, and Tha Tu was captured in April. In June 1889 
Oktama was captured by a Burman Myook. He had no more than 
one follower with him. His chief leader, Oktaya, had been taken 

CHAP, v.] 



only a few days before and Byaing GyJ, a leader who had given 
much trouble, was given up by his own men about the same lime. 
The list of dacoit leaders killed, captured, or surrendered after April 
1887 in the Minbu district made up a total of 106. At the end 
of 1889 only eight were known to be unaccounted for and they 
were all in hiding in the juntjles along the old British border. 
The district had been almost the most troublesome in Upper 
Burma and much credit was due to the sustained efforts of the 
Deputy Commissioner, Mr. Hartnoll, and his Assistants, Mr. Col- 
lins and Mr. Hertz. Assistance was given to villagers in repairing 
the weirs and water-channels on which the prosperity of part of the 
district depends, and advances were given for seed-grain and work 
provided for surrendered dacoits and others on the district roads. 
The revenue of Minbu in 1887-88 amounted to £61,4^4^^ a sum 
larger than that collected in any district, except Mandalay and 
much larger than the sum j^36,4i[ collected in 1886-87, which 
was the largest for that year. On the left bank of the river, the 
Yenangyaung subdivision, which until 1888 formed part of Minbu, 
but was then transferred to Magwe, was somewhat disturbed, and 
more than one attack was made on the village of Yenangyaung 
itself, but one at least of these seems to have been of the old 
style of private warfare prevalent in Burmese times, rather than of 
disaffection to the British Government. 

In 1887 Taungdwingyi, or Magwe as it was named after Yenan- 
gyaung was added in 1888, was much troubled 
* " by the influential rebel Min Yaung, who held the 

hilly tract between Taungdwingyi and Pyinmana. After a series of 
encounters he was at last come up with and killed in May 1887. 
After him Tok Gyi disturbed the district from the same convenient 
shelter to the east and he was not captured till April 1888. The 
hilly character of some part of the country made it no doubt some- 
what difficult to pacify, but the military police battalion of this 
district, which had been recruited in Bombay, was far below the 
efficiency of those in other parts of the country. As a consequence 
dacoit bands were allowed to gather strength and escaped un- 
punished, and in 1889 Magwe was the only district where dacoities 
on a large scale were of almost daily occurrence. 

There were seven separate dacoit gangs under Nga Lfe, Shwe Daik, 
Tin Baw, B6k Yaw, Pago Bo, Paw Din, Na Ya, besides other less 
prominent leaders. In August 1888 a plan for a rising on behalf 
of a pretender styling himself the Shwe Km Yo Prince was concerted 
on the borders of the Magwe township. Bo Lfe and other leaders 
from Magwe, besides some of the Natmauk and Taungdwingyi 




Chiefs, were concerned in this. The first overt act was committed 
in November, and almost immediately afterwards the dacoits receiv- 
ed encouragement from their success in an encounter with a party 
of military police, which they repulsed with loss. After this the 
combined bands separated, some going to Yenangyaung, some to 
Pin, some to Taungdwingyi, and some to Natmauk, while somi 
joined the bands of Tinbaw and Shwc Daik. In January the combin- 
ed bands of these last two and Nga Lh successfully surprised a party 
of sepoys of the Myingvan military police, but were soon after- 
wards encountered and for a time dispersed by mounted infantry 
from Magwc, Desultory encounters, with varying fortunes, follow- 
ed through March and April 1889, and in May Nga Le was killed^ 
and his band destroyed by the mounted infantry. Meanwhile there 
were constant dacoities in Taungdwlngvisubdivision, where the Vil- 
lage Regulation was injudiciously applied and the local native oHi- 
cers were unpopular. 

In April a gang of over 100 dacoits attacked the village of Myo- 
ihit and burnt the police post there. In May a large band under 
the leadership of Buddha Yaza assembled in the Pin township; 
gangs from all parts joined him and did much mischief before It 
was dispersed after repeated encounters. On the ist June Mr. 
Dyson, Assistant Comm'issiontTj was killed by a small body of 
dacoits, whom he attacked with police. The leader, Thaya, was 
afterwards killed and his band surrendered. The General Command- 
ing the Myingyan district therefore Soon after this assumed full 
control of the operations with the Civil and Police officers under his 
orders. Genera! Symons strengthened the force of troops and mili- 
tary police and an offer of indemnity was made to all dacoits, ex- 
cept one or two specified leaders, who had not been actually con- 
cerned in murder. More than 150 men, principally in the Pm and 
Yenangyaung townships, availed themselves of the amnesty and 
surrendered. The offer of pardon oriijinally made in June for one 
month was extended up to the end of September. Nevertheless, at 
the end nf September the most disturbed portion of the district 
was the Taungdwingyi subdivision, where, except for the capture of 
Shwe Aung and his gang, but little headway had been made, while 
the Yomas, the hill country between the Eastern and Southern di- 
visions, had not been touched, and in this remote and unknown tract 
various dacoit leaders had found a refuge. At the end of 1889 
therefore Magwe remained a year behind the other districts of the 
upper province. Nevertheless, the revenue increased largely during 
1887-88. It was :£"5»4g7 in 1887 and £•26,'} i6 in the following 
year. The headquarters were moved at the end of the year from 
Taungdwingyi to Magwe. 


In the early months of 1887 Meiktila district continued to be dis- 
.. turbed by a formidable combination of dacoits, 

who held a strong position at Hmaw-aing, and 
on the west by the powerful leader T6k Gyaw. Combined oper- 
ations against the Hmaw-aing dacoits were undertaken from 
Kyauksfe and Meiktila, in which Lieutenant Reid of the 27th 
Punjab Infantry was wounded and severe loss was inflicted on the 
dacoits then and in a subsequent attack. As a result some of 
the principal leaders surrendered In May 1887, and in the same 
month Tok Gyaw and many of his followers were killed by our 
troops. One of the Hmaw-aing Chiefs took service and after- 
wards did good work as a police officer, while of two others who 
took to flight after they had submitted, Myat Hm6n again sub- 
mitted at Kyauksfe and the other Maung Kala died of cholera, 
and the northern part of the district remained undisturbed. The 
south-west, however, bordering on Pagan, was constantly harassed 
by dacoits, who carried off large numbers of cattle. Many of these 
gangs were tracked and punished and in the district itself no large 
gangs and no leaders remained as early as the end of 1887. What 
dacoities occurred were of an entirely petty kind and the robbers 
usually came from the Poppa and WMaung fastnesses. The re- 
results of effective disarmament were very conspicuous in Meiktila. 
The revenue, which was £^^,1 14 in 1886-87, ^^^^ *o £^1i^4S ^^ ^^e 
lollowing year. 

Yam6thin was in an equally satisfactory condition. It was only 
,, , . . disturbed by broken bands from neighbouring 

districts and the dacoities were not 01 a serious 
type. Crime of this kind could not be put down till the Poppa, 
Pin, and Yoma bands were finally broken up. From £^,481 in 
1886-87 ^he revenue increased to ^f 22,080 in the following year, 
and in 1889 the strength of the military police force was consider- 
ably reduced, with no loss of security to the people. 

In Pyinmana great activity was displayed in 1887 by the troops 
and the police in thoroughly exploring the forests and clearing 
them of dacoits. The disarmament of the district was at the 
same time vigorously enforced and men of local influence greatly 
assisted our officers in the process. With the rains there was a 
partial recrudescence of disorder. Some troublesome gangs collect- 
ed in the hills on the east of the Sittang river under the protection 
of the Karen Chief of Ethataung and of other local men. From 
these hills they committed raids on the plains and carried off ele- 
phants and buffaloes from the forests. In April i888aBurman 
police post, 6 miles from Pyinmana. was attacked and burned by 
a gang of 50 dacoits and in May a similar but outlying post at 




Seikpyudaung was destroyed by a large gang. Between March 
and bepteraSer large gangs of dacoics on three occasions at- 
ucked Karen guards in the forests, and in the 6rst seven 
months of the year 143 violent crimes were reported. At the 
end of October 18S8 there were in the district four large gangs 
of dacoils under Nga HIauk aiid Tok Gyi, Tha Hlaing, Nga 
Nan, and San Pe. In the banning of 1889 the Village Re- 
gulation was enforced and villages which were known or rea- 
sonably believed to harbour dacoits were removed to the neigh- 
bourhood of police posts. At the end of February the combin- 
ed bands of Tha Hlaing and San Pe were attacked and had 
broken up. The leaders retired to the petty Karen State of Bawgata 
in the hills and thence raided on the plains. The Deputy Commis- 
sioner followed ihem up with a party of military police. The Chief 
of Bawgata submitted and the dacoits fled east to the Mong Pai 
hills and ceased to be a danger. The other robber gangs were 
equally disposed of. From January to September 1889 17 dacoits 
were killed and 62 arrested, while 17 surrendered unconditionally. 
None remained at large, except those who were professional dacoits 
from Burmese times, or who had made clemency impossible by their 
crimes. The Bombay Burma Trading Corporation was able to ex- 
tend its operations and increase its establishments far beyond any 
previously attempted area or strength. 

By the end of the rains of 1889 all the large gangs of rebels that 
Situation at the end had SO long opposed our troops m the plains had 
*>* »88g. been completely broken up. The utter hope- 

lessness of resistance in the open was realized and the establish- 
ment of a series of posts had driven the remnants of once powerful 
bands to take refuge in the inaccessible broken tracts which form 
so marked a feature of Upper Burma, in such places were now 

fathered the dacoit leaders from many districts. Buddha Yaza, 
'hiha Yaza, Shwe Daik, Tin Saw, Lugale Gyi, and Aungbaw were 
crowded into the hilly country of the Yomas lying between Magwe, 
Pyinmana, and Yam^thin. The wild country round Poppa hill af- 
forded shelter to Bo Cho, Shwe Hmok, Thagyaw, Kangyi, Nga 
Hm6n, Nga Thaw, and Yan Nyun. What remained of the follow- 
ers of the Setkya Mintha rallied round Kyaw Zaw in the jungles 
on the banks of the Myit-ng6. Saw Yan Naing, the last of King 
Mind6n's grandsons who held out against us, had retired to the 
Kachin hills lying between Mong Mit, Tawng Peng, and Hsen Wi. 
With him were now Hkam Leng, the pretender to the Mong Leng 
State, and bo Zeya, the notorious Shan freebooter, who so long dis- 
turbed the Mandalay district. West of the Irrawaddy the situation 
_ was similar. In Minbu the sons of Bo Swfe, Saw Uj and Saw Pu 

CHAP, v.] 



were wandering with a small following in the dense jungle at the 
foot of the Arakan Yonia, on the old frontier line. Further north 
the Shwegj'obyu pretender, with Po Hini and Nj^a The Kyi, the 
leaders of the Yaw rebellion, were fugitives in the Chin Hills, In 
Shwebo, Katha, and Ye-u the remnants of the scattered gangs of 
rebels had found refuge in the rugged country which adjoins the 
Wuntho State and, when hotly pursued, fled into Wuntho itself. 

This altered condition of things changed the character of the oper- 
ations in the plains. Large columns of troops were no longer required 
to scour the country and attack strong bands of rebels. The mili- 
tary garrison was considerably reduced at the same lime that nu- 
merous military posts, which were before necessary to overawe the 
plain country, were withdrawn. The police posts had also been re- 
duced. On the 1st April 1890 there were 173 military police posts 
against 192 on the same date in the preceding year. The police force 
thus set free was able to pursue the broken remnants of the different 
gangs and make a vigorous effort to stamp them out completely. 

The troops in Upper Burma had ceased to be on the footing of 
a field force on the 1st April 1888 and the number of brigades was 
reduced from four to three, composed as follows : — 

First Brigade — Headquarters, Mandalay, including the Ava 
and Sagaing commands. 

Second Brigade — Headquarters, Myingyan, including the 
Pakfikku, Pagan, and Minbu commands. 

Third Brigade. — Headquarters, Meiktila, including the Ya- 
mfethin and Pyinmana commands and the Northern and 
Southern Shan States columns. 

In addition to these three brigades there were the following sepa- 
rate commands : — 

Bhamo, with headquarters at Bhamo. 
Ruby Mines, with headquarters at Bernardmyo. 
Chindwin, with headquarters at Alon. 
Shwebo, with headquarters at Shwebo. 

The aggregate strength of this force was 13,250 men. It was un- 
der the command of Sir George White, V.C., K.C.B. throughout the 
year. The strength of the Upper Burma garrison at the close of 
March 1889 was 11,335 "■^^"' ^^ ^.ll arms. 

On the 1st April 1889 the entire force in both Upper and Lower 
Burma was formed into the Burma District Command under Ma- 
jor-General B. L. Gordon, C-B.^ R.A., and distributed as follows : — 

Mandalay district — Headquarters, Mandalay. 
Bhamo Command — Headquarters, Bhamo. 



Ruby Mines Command — Headquarters, Bernardmyo. 

Shwebo Command — Headquarters, Shwebo. 

Myinffvan district — Headquarters, Myingyan. 

Chin Field Force— Northern Division. 

Chin Field Force — Southern Division. 

Chindwin Command — Headquarters, Alon. 

The Meiktila Command was in the Rangoon district. 
The constitution and organization of the military police force 
j^ .. remained unchanged, but the strength was large- 

II ary poice. |^ increased. At the end of 1887 the sanctioned 
strength of all ranks was 17,515 and the actual strength 13,244. 
At the end of 1888 the sanctioned strength was 19,177 and the 
actual strength i 7,880. The increase in the responsibilities falling 
on the force and in the area of the country brought under protec- 
tion more than kept pace with the increase in strength. Five com- 
panies were added to the Mogaung Levy, which hitherto had only 
been strong enough to hold Mogaung itself and the communi- 
cations with the Irrawaddy. Two levies, each of six companies, 
were raised for the Chin frontier and for the Shan States. The Chin 
frontier and the Yaw country had not up till then been held at all, 
while the small garrison in the Shan States was pro\-ided by the 
regular troops. As in the previous year, the force was distributed 
in battalions, one for each district in Upper Burma, one for the 
Kabaw Valley on the borders of Manipur, and one for the protection 
of the railway under construction from Toungoo to Mandalay. The 
number of officers was largely increased, so that there might be a 
Second-in-Command for every battalionj with a lew Extra Assistant 
Commandants in the more arduous districts. In every district a 
moveable column was maintained and no new posts were permitted 
without the sanction of the Chief Commissioner. The minimum 
strength of a post was fixed at 40 rifles and the country patrols 
never consisted of less than 10 men. Thus every party was able to 
take effective action when opportunity offered. The conduct of 
the military police was good. In action they behaved uniformly 
well, and instances of special gallantry were as common as among 
the regular troops. The force lost in 18S8-89 46 men killed in 
action and 76 wounded. In the entire force only 84 men were 
prosecuted on criminal charges, and some of these were cases of 
negligently allowing prisoners to escape. 

Fair progress was made in the raising of civil police, but their 
regular organization was far from complete. They were recruited 
almost entirely from Upper Burmans, who had been unaccustomed 
to the discipline of a regular force, and the number of resignations, 
desertions, and punishments was in some places startlingly large. 

CHAP, v.] 




In 1889-90 therefore the pacification of Upper Burma was finally 
completed and the last remnants of dacoit bands were disposed of. 
In the Mandalay district special operations completely broke up 
Kyaw Zaw's gang. Most of his followers surrendered and he 
himself joined Saw Yan Naing on the northern frontier of the Shan 
States, where a retreat into Chinese territory was always open. 
Nga To, the dacoit leader who had escaped capture in previous 
years, was taken by the police in the Sagaing district and District 
Officers were at last able to visit all pans of their charge without 

In the Mogaung subdivision of Bhamo the attitude of the Kachins 
_. was quite satisfactory. The road remained 

secure and, but for the local quarrels among 
the jade-mine and other traders themselves, there would have 
been no serious crime. The establishment of a military police post 
at Indawgyi, which was effected in May 1890, extended the area 
under our direct control, and in the same month the country to 
the west was explored for the first time and the Assistant Com- 
missioners of Mogaung and Paungbyin met at Shwedwin on the 
Uyu river. East of the Irrawaddy the so-called Mintha Buddha 
Yaza, was caplurc^d by Bharao villagers and died in prison. Hkam 
Leng caused some trouble. The village of Lwesaing was burnt 
and other villagers were fined for having liarboured him and 
thus most of the Upper Slnkan Kachins made submission. The 
only local dacoit leader of importance, Nga Hlaw Gyaw, who 
troubled the Shwegu subdivision early in the year, was killed by 
villagers. In October 1889 a serious dacolty was committed in the 
town of Bhamo llsdf, and for some months afterwards the country 
to the south-east was disturbed by a gang of dacoits, which was 
harboured by the Kachins and Palaungs of a village, Kyusaing, east 
of Bhamo. The burning of Kyusalng In May iSgo put an end to 
this, and other offending villages were fined. The efforts made to 
re-open the Ambassador's route to China were not attended with 
immediate success. The northern trade route, by way of the Ta- 
ping river and Manaung, was not free from disturbance, and the Ka- 
chins made several attacks on caravans, but trade continued never- 

Katha remained open to raids by dacoit gangs from Wuntho and 
J. Mong Mit, but special operations under Lieut- 

enant Macnabb, Assistant Commissioner, were 
completely successful in settling the troublesome subdivision of 
Kawlin, where Nga Kyauk L6n, Nga Thaing, and Nga Aga had 
remained at large. Nine leaders and over 200 of the rank and 
file surrendered, or were killed or captured. The patience with 



which the Sau^hua of Wuntho had been treated seemed at last to 
have had a result. He established, in compliance with orders, 
pohce posts on his borders ; he made some efiforts to arrest 
criminals ; he met the Deputy Commissioner of Katha at Wuntho ; 
and he sent his wife and son to Mandalay to pay a visit to the 
Commissioner. But he failed to arrest Nga Hmat, who in Feb- 
ruary attacked and burnt the village of I^ainggyi near the Wuntho 
boraer, and Kainggyi had to be occupied by the military police, 
who kept Nga Hmat inside Wuntho, to which State he belonged. 
Two dacoilies were committed in the district from Mong Mit 
also, but in both cases the dacoits were seized and convicted, and, 
though there were no military or police posts along this frontier, 
these were the only disturbances on the eastern side of Katha. 
The district itself was thus completely brought into order. Wuntho 
alone remained as a danger. 

The Ruby Mines district was a good deal troubled by gangs of 
robbers, which found a secure asylum in the 
y '"«»■ waste tracts along its borders with Mong Mit 

and Mong Long, louring the year a large tract of country, 
formerly part of Mong Mit, was added to ihe Ruby Mines 
district, with the result that there was for a lime an apparent 
large increase in the number of violent crimes. Many of these, 
however, were robberies on traders travelling on the main road 
from Mog6k la Thabeltkyin, which runs close along the borders of 
the district with Mong Long. The maintenance of patrols on the 
road and the establishment of a military police post at Kin checked 
these, which were rather gang robberies than dacoitics. Notwith- 
standing this, there was a great increase in the trade of the district 
and in the number of new settlers at Mogok. 

Special operations in Shwebo were undertaken at the same time 
as in Katha with entirely successful results. 
Nga Kan Baw was driven west and captured 
by the Kanni U'uti in the Lower Chindwin in February 1890. All 
the members of his gang surrendered and he himself was tried 
and sentenced to death. Nga I^yauk LAn was killed by one of 
his own lieutenants in May 1890^ and almost all his band there- 
upon surrendered. Nga Th6n, after suffering considerable loss, 
was eventually compelled to surrender with his gang and was 
sentenced to transportation in March 1890, and Nga Aga later 
gave himself up in the Ye-u district. Since then dacoity has 
entirely ceased in this turbulent district and the steady enforcement 
of the track law has done much to reduce the number of cattle- 
thefts and other minor offences, which always tended to increase 
with the suppression of violent crime. Sagaing had been finally 

CHAP, v.] 



quieted in 1889 and in the succeeding year the number of offences 
classed as violent crimes did not reach a score and were of an in- 
significant character. Several noted leaders who had disappeared 
in previous years were brought tojusiice, some of them having been 
arrested in other districts. 

Ye-u profited by the operations in Shwebo and Katha and the 
last two leaders of note^ Van Gyi Aung and Nga Aga, surrendered 
through the intermediation of the principal pongyt in the district. 
All the rank and file of the dacoit gangs were permitted to live at 
large on security and under surveillance and, though the number of 
those who had formally surrendered was twelve hundred, the num- 
ber of violent crimes was reduced to a merely nominal figure. In 
the year 1889 the number of violent crimes was 1 16. In 1890 this 
had been reduced to ten. 

It was only in 1889 that steps were taken to extend effective 
. control over the interior of the Upper Chindwin 

district on the left bank of the Chindwin river. 
The existence of dacoit gangs in the wide tract of country between 
the Chindwin and the State of Wuntho and Ye-u was scarcely re- 
cognized because the country was not really under our adminis- 
tration. Nga Lfe and other leaders lived there unmolested until 
now, when their bands were dispersed and they themselves found 
safety in Wuntho. 

In the Lower Chindwin also the townsfiip of Kanni, which com- 
prised about two-thirds of the whole district, was still administered 
by the IVnn of Kanni, who maintained order with a force of irregu- 
lar police. The obligations of the IVun to administer the town- 
ship in accordance with the principles of Government adopted in 
other parts of the province were gradually made more strict, and the 
Deputy Commissioner's supervision more effective, and eventually 
the irregular force was replaced by regular police without disturbing 
the peacefulness of the administration. Except for cattle-theft, the 
district was always entirely free from crime and great progress was 
made towards final disarmament. 

It was not till June 1890, after seven or eight months of active 
operations, that the country round P6ppa hill 
was finally pacified. In that period nine 
leaders, including the notorious Shwe Hm6k, 
were killed ; eleven including Yan Bye were captured ; and forty- 
three, among whom were HIa Gyaw, Nga Nwfe, and Yan Nyun, sur- 
rendered. The surrender of Yan Nyun at the end of May may be 
said to have completed the pacification of the district. He was an 
official in Burmese times and commanded very great influence in 


M V I n t; y a n 





and Pyin- 

this part of the country, both on account of his rank and by his 
relentless terrorism. His surrender, trial, and sentence put an end 
to aU the gan^. Bo Cho was not captured and remained at large 
for six years longer, but he entirely gave up dacoity and indeed 
had no more than six men with him. 

Pak6kku, notwithstanding its neighbourhood to the Chin Hills, 
was undisturbed, and so was Minbu, where the special opera- 
tions under Lieutenant Green were most successful. Saw U, son 
of Bo Swe, was killed, and his brother, Saw Pa, was captured. The 
only leaders of any name who remained at large were Tauk Ta and 
Kyetkvi. and thev only escaped by discardinv their following, most 
of whom surrendered and were allowed to return to their homes. 
Yamfcthin, Meiktila, and Kyauksd were altogether free from distur- 
bance, except for the raids of a few bad characters from the Shan 
Hills, who seldom went beyond cattle-lifting and belonged to no or- 
ganized gang. 

The Magwe, Pyinmana, and Yamfethin police under the general 
control of Mr. Porter, Deputy Commissioner of 
Pyinmana, acted on a systematic plan against 
the Yoma gangs and drove them from hiding- 
place to hiding-place. In order to block the roads and prevent 
the escape of the dacoits, temporary military police posts were 
established in the immediate neighbourhood of the Yomas, four in 
Magwe and six in Pyinmana- The posts already existing in the 
Toungoo and Thayetmyo districts were strengthened and roads 
and tracks connecting the Pyinmana and Magwe districts were 
made. The policy of permitting the surrender of all but those who 
had been guilty of specially atrocious crimes was consistently 
pursued, and in three mnnth*? 79 dacoits, of whom i 7 were leaders 
of more or less importance, had U-en killed, or captured, or had 
surrendered. A large number of firearms had been seized, and 
at the end of May the Yomas had been brought under complete 
control. Meanwhile Mr. Todd-Naylor, the Deputy Commissioner 
of Magwe, had been engaged in the north of the dislrict against 
the dacoit leaders Shwe Daik and Tin Baw, and he and Mr. Collins, 
Assistant Commissioner, succeeded in disposing of eight of their 
gang of 16 and in driving the rest out of the district to places where 
they had no influence. The result of these measures was that not 
only was Magwe freed from disorder, but also all its neighbours. 
The well-known leader, Lu Gale Gyi, was arrested as far away as 
Prome and the organized action taken against dacoits was perha| 
more conspicuously successful in Magwe than anywhere else in tin 
same period of time. 

CHAP, v.] 



During the year the six separate military commands were a- 
bolishcd and the troops were distributed among the three districts 
of Rangoon, Mandalay, and Myingyan. At the end of March r88g, 
the whole force, including the Chin-Lushai Expeditionary Force, 
numbered 15,608. 

On the 1st January i8go the actual strength of the military 
police was 18.618, and the Karen battalion, which had now grown 
to four companies, did very good work, especially in the Minbu and 
Magwe districts. 

From 18S7 to 1889 the military posts in the interior of Upper 

Burma had been gradually replaced bv military 
Miliury police. ^^y^^^ ^^^^^^^ ^^^^^ beginning of 1887 there 

were 142 posts held by troops and 56 held by military police; 
at the end of thai year the numbers were 84 and 17^ respectively ; 
and at the beginning of 18S9 the numbers were 41 posts held by 
troops and 192 by military police. Towards the end of 1889, when 
organized resistance to the Government had entirely collapsed, it 
was found possible to reduce the number of military police posts 
and 10 hold the posts still retained with smaller garrisons. A com- 
mencement was made of the system of concentrating at least half 
the strength ot each battalion at headquarters, and reductions were 
made in several battalions. The Minbu, Pakokku, Pyinmana, Ya- 
mfethin, and ICyaukst di-^tricts were all in such a satisfactory state 
towards the end of 1889 that they were able to afford considerable 
reductions in their battalions. It was decided to utilize the com- 
panies made available by these reductions in the formation of a 
strong and highly trained reserve. Another change in the organi- 
zation of the military police was the amalgamation of two or more 
battalions with the object of reducing the strength and cost of the 
aggregate force. The first experiment was made in the Eastern 
or Meiklila division. The Kyauksii, Meiktila, and YamMhin bat- 
talions, which aggregated 19 companies, were formed into a single 
joint battalion of 15 companies, and three of these companies were 
added to the Reserve battalion, while the fourth was struck off the 
the strength. 

The number, conduct, and the permanency of the Upper Burma 
Civil Police greatly improved during; this, practically, the second year 
of their existence. 

In i8go, which was the last year of Sir Charles Crosthwaite's 
g administration of Burma, it may be said that 

Final estahiishmeni order was finally established in Upper Burma 
ol order. ^nd the construction of the administrative sys- 

tem firmly set up. The Toungoo-Mandalay section of the railway 



was opened to traffic and the passenger traflRc was immediately 
very heavy. The Mu Valley railway was under construction. A 
cart-road was made from the plains to the Southern Shan States 
plateau, and another to the Northern Shan States, while a carl -road 
from Thabeikkyin on the Irrawaddy to the Ruby Mines was sUso 
opened. The irrigation system, which had fallen into great disre- 
pair in King Thlbaw's time, was carefully examined with a view to 
the repair of old works and the construction of new channels on a 
definite plan. 

The only tract in the Irrawaddy Valley which caused anxiety 

-,, . . ,„ was the State of Wuniho. It was classed as a 

Wuntho rebellion. o i_ c . i_ . . ■ ^i. 

bhan State, but was never at any time on the 

same footing as the true Shan States and only escap*;d becoming 
an integral part of the Burmese Empire, like the neighbouring dis- 
tricts, through Burmese want of system. It had an area of about 
2,400 square miles with 150,000 inhabitants, and lay midwav be- 
tween the Irrawaddy and Chindwin livers. The Sazvbwa, Maung 
Aung Myat, had succeeded his father as Chief in 1881, when the 
old man of his own accord gave up the direct administration. The 
ex'Sawinta lived in the north of the Stale and was consistently ill- 
disposed to British authority. His son maintained an exasperating 
attitude of reserve and distrust and, while promising 10 arrest da- 
coits and maintain order within and on the borders of his territory, 
virtually allowed it to become a standing refuge for rebels and 
dacoit leaders. The steady advance of the railway and the fact 
that a census had been ordered, doubtless brought matters to a 
crisis, and, though the rising came as a rude surprise, it was no 
doubt well-planned, probably in correspondence with Manipur. In 
January 1891 a small column left Kaiha to account for Nga Mmat 
and Po Thein, two dacoits who had been giving trouble. Nga Hmat 
surrendered with 40 followers ; but to get at Po Thein it was ne- 
cessary to go through the northern portion of Wuniho, which was 
directly ruled by the old Sawbtva. The road to Po Thein's retreat 
at Mangyaung was blocked. Mounted orderlies were shot at and 
Banmauk fired into, and on the 15th February an attack was made 
on that post and, after some hours' resistance, the District Super- 
intendent of Police and his party were forced to retire to Kainggyi. 
On the morning of the next day, at 3 A.M., the rebels on the 
south of the State broke into the military police stockade of Kaw- 
lin and set fire to various buildings to the north and west. Three 
of the military police and the compounder were killed immediate- 
ly, but. by the light of the blazing buildings of the Subdivisional 
headquarters, the Subadar drove the enemy out of the stockade. 
At the same time the police post of Kyaukpintha was attacked 

CHAP, v.] 



and both places were beleaguered for several days, while a number 
of frontier villages were burnt and looted. The railway buildings 
at Kyungon to th(j south were burnt, the civil police station at 
Sing6n lo the enst was destroyed, and a similar post at Okkan, 
towards Ye-u on the west, was also seized and burni. The sud- 
denness of the rising showed that it was concerted, and for a time 
it appeared as if the reinforcements hurried from all sides would 
not be in time. On the i9ih February, however. Lieutenant Nis- 
bei, with loo of the 20th Madras Native Infantry from Kaiha, and 
Captain H. D'U. Keary, with Subadar Prakasa Roya and 39 sow- 
ars from Shwebo, arrived at Kawlin and at once turned the defence 
into an attack. Captain Keary charged the centre of the rebels 
and cleared them from the plain and drove the remnant of them up 
a stockaded hill. This hill, with his dismounted sowars and the 
Madras Infantry, he proceeded to attack from different sides. 
Both parties failed at the first attempt, but just at nightfall the 
dismounted sowars, under Prakasa Roya, after a severe hand-to- 
hand fight, carried the position and killed every man in it. Three 
sepoys were killed and six wounded in the attack on this position, 
which was inside a pagoda, flanked at the corners by rifle-pits and 
situated on the top of a very steep rocky hill, covered with thick 
undergrowth, except round the pagoda. On the following day Cap- 
tain Keary and Mr Kenny with the mounted men cleared the sur- 
rounding country of the enemy, destroying Pegfin, the rallying point 
Jorthe rebels on the borders of Wiintho. On the aist the troops 
^ved from Shwebo and a detachment of the Duke of Cornwall's 
Ijght Infantry under Captain Custance from Tigyaing. That tvt- 
"Jng news came that the Sawbwa had stockaded himself at the 
Kyaingkwintaunt; on the road to Wuntho town. This the troops 
and military police under command of Captain T. A. H. Davies of the 
Devonshire Regiment proceeded to attack on the 22nd February. 
The stockade was in a kyauug in a strong position on a hill com- 
manding the ford of the Daung-yu river, about half-way between 
Kawlin and Wuntho, which are some 9 miles apart. The Devon- 
shires crossed the river under the fire of the enemy at about 200 
vards range and attacked the hill from the south, while the mounted 
infantry under Captains Kear^* and Custance moved along the east 
bank to cut off the retreat. The position was carried by assault 
after an hour's fighting and the troopers cut off the enemy's retreat, 
killed 50, and wounded a large number, notwithstanding that the 
ground was full of irons- de-loup, dug as traps for them. The Saw 
Jtra'j pony was taken in the stockade. Our loss was three men of 
the Devonshires killed and 10 wounded and five sepoys wounded. 

On the same day the military police from Ye-u came upon the 
enemy strongly stockaded at the Monan kyaung near Okkan. 



After an engagement lasting several hours, the rebels were dislodg- 
ed and driven off with a loss of 27 killed. Captain Hutchinson, 
the Commandant of the: Ye-u battalion, received a severe wound, 
of which he died a few days afterwards, and one sepoy was killed 
and seven wounded. 

These two actions practically crushed the rebellion. The rebels 
lost their best men, mostly pure Shans, in the engagements at and 
round Kawlin, and were thoroughly beaten and cowed and this in 
about a week from the beginning of the outbreak. The result was 
the somewhat unique feature that the expedition was completely 
successful before the expeditionary force had been regularly orga- 
nized. VVuntho town was occupied witliout opposition on the 24th 
February. General Wolseley, C.B.. Commanding the Mandalay dis- 
trict, had been appointed to the chief military and political charge 
of the operations and arrived in the town on the 26th February. 
An advance was then made across the hills to Pinltbu, the Sotv- 
bwd's place of residence, 33 miles off. Their final position on the 
Mankin pass was turned on the 25th February and the stockaded 
village of Mankin was then shelled and the enemy fled and all arm- 
ed resistance in Southern Wuntho came to an end. 

The Sawdn'a wrote offering to pay any reasonable fine the Gen- 
eral might impose, and informing him that he had forbidden his 
people to offer any further resistance to our troops, but was told 
that until he surrendered in person no terms could be offered beyond 
the promise of his personal safety and the protection of his family 
and private property. The mounted force was sent northwards to 
cut off his retreat in that direction, but in the meantime the military 
police from Ye-u had pushed on from Okkan and the Satvbwa in- 
conuncnily took to flight on the 27th Februarv, leaving his palace 
and stockade burnt behind him. Captain Hodges and Captain 
Proud occupied the very strongly situated position at Pinl^bu the 
same afternoon, and General Wolseley found him in possession 
when he arrived on the morning of the ist March. No trustworthy 
information was available as to the Saivbwa's line of retreat, but in 
any case want of transport and rations prevented an immediate pur- 

While these events were taking place in the south a column had 
also been organized in the north under Colonel Macgregor, D.S.O., 
of the 1st Burma Regiment (loth Madras Infantry), with Mr. 
Martini, District Superintendent of Police, as Political Assistant. 
They marched from Katha against the old Saiobwa at Mansi, 
Before it advanced the military police of Katha at Ivainggyi and 
elsewhere had had several encounters uith the rebels, who had bro- 
ken into tlie district in various places, plundering and burning vil- 

CHAP, v.] 



and both places were beleaguered for several days, while a number 
of frontier villages were burnt and looted. The railway buildings 
at Kyungon to the south were burnt, the civil police station at 
Singon to the east was destroyed, and a similar post at Okkan, 
towards Ye-u on the west, was also seized and burnt. The sud- 
denness of the rising showed that it was concerted, and for a time 
it appeared as if the reinforcements hurried from all sides would 
not be in time. On the 19th February, however, Lifutenant Nis- 
bet, with 100 of the 20th Madras Native Infantry from Kaiha, and 
Captain H. D'U. Keary, with Subadar Prakasa Roya and 29 sow- 
ars from Shwebo, arrived at Kawlin and at once turned the defence 
into an attack. Captain Keary charged the centre of the rebels 
and cleared them from the plain and drove the remnant of them up 
a stockaded hill. This hill, with his dismounted sowars and the 
Madras Infantry, he proceeded to attack from different sides. 
Both parties failed at the first attempt, but just at nightfall the 
dismounted sowars, under Prakasa Roya, after a severe hand-to- 
hand fight, carried the position and killed every man in it. Three 
sepoys were killed and six wounded in the attack on this position, 
which was inside a pagoda, flanked at the corners by rifle-pits and 
situated on the top of a very steep rocky hill, covered with thick 
undergrowth, except round the pagoda. On the following day Cap- 
tain Keary and Mr- Kenny with the mounted men cleared the sur- 
rounding country of the enemy, destroying f^egon, the rallying point 
for the rebels on the borders of Wuntho. On the 21 si the troops 
arrived from Shwebo and a detachment of the Duke of Cornwall's 
Light Infantry under Captain Custance from Tigyain^. That eve- 
ning news came that the Satvbwa had stockaded himself at the 
Kyaingkwintaun^ on the road to Wuntho town. This the troops 
and military police under command of Captain T. A. H. Davies of the 
Devonshire Regiment proceeded to attack on the 22nd February. 
The stockade was in a kyautig in a strong position on a hil! com- 
manding the ford of the Daung-yu river, about half-way between 
Kawlin and Wuntho, which arc some 9 miles apart. The Devon- 
shires crossed the river under the fire of the enemy at about 200 
yards range and attacked the hill from the south, while the mounted 
mfantry under Captains Keary and Custance moved along the east 
bank to cut off the retreat. The position was carried by assault 
after an hour's fighting and the troopers cut off the enemy's retreat, 
killed 50, and wounded a large number, notwithstanding that the 
ground was full of trous-de'loup, dug as traps for them. The Saw' 
hva's pony was taken in the stockade. Our loss was three men of 
the Devonshires killed and 10 wounded and five sepoys wounded. 

On the same day the military police from Ye-u came upon the 
enemy strongly stockaded at the Monan kyaung near Okkan. 



The Jade Mines were reached on the 15th .April ; but there was 
no o{>po«ition, and the people welcomed the force, it was deto-- 
mined to establish a post there, and Captain CVDonn^ was left in 
command with four other British Officers, 132 n6es of the Mo- 
gun^ Levy, and a section of the 6th Bombay Mount^n Battery. 
The Wuntho Sav6va it was found had succeeded in escaping by 
the northern road through the amber mines inio China. With the 
establishment of the Jade mines post the military operations may 
be said to have closed. 

A few days after the beginning of the rebellion, and as soon as 
it became clear that the Savb-xa himself was really engaged in ii, 
the orders of ihe Government of India were obtamcd for his de- 
position, and a proclamation was issued declaring that he wotild 
never be given authority in Wuntho again, and tendering pardon to 
all who should make their submission and surrender their arms in a 
fortnight. There was no hesitation in accepting these terms, and 
from the verj' first the people readily came in with their arms. Al- 
though the rebels had burned hundreds of houses, carried off hund- 
reds of cattle, and destroyed an immense amount of property be- 
longing to unoffending people, no retaliatory measures whatever 
were taken, and, excepting the burning of a few houses at first, 
where there was resistance, no damage of any kind was done. The 
consequence of this policy was that the country quietly settled down 
and the people were both friendly and helpful to our officers and 
troops. About 3,000 arms were given in, practically all there were, 
except those in the hands of the Immediate followers of the Sazo^ 
b-wa. The members of the Sawhwa's family, including his cousin, 
the Kemmong, or heir apparent, and numerous prominent officials 
were pardoned and allowed to remain in Wuntho, and the best of 
the old local officials were given employment in the new adminis- 
tration of the territory, which was incorporated in the neighbouring 
districts of Katha and Ye-u. 

No sooner was Kawlin relieved than arrangements were made to 
)nd a staff of Engineers into Wuntho and Katha to make roads 
and build posts, to extend the telegraph and establish postal com- 
munications, and much was accomplished before the end of the 
open season. At the same time work on the railway was pushed 
on both from Wuntho to the pass into Katha and from Katha to 
the same pass. Wuntho has enjoyed perfect peace ever since the 
sudden revolt of the Sambma. 

Nga Lfe and the ^iy^-Sawhwa of Wuntho made their appearance 
in the following year, i8gi, and committed a number of dacoities 
in the Legayaing subdivision of the Upper Chindwin. Nga Lfe, 
however, was shot and the ey.-Sa7vb-afa was driven off. He appears 

CHAP, v.] 



since to have attached himself to the small band of the disaffected 
and robber chiefs who find a refuge with Saw Yan Naing in the 
Chinese States. Some of the Wuntho nest of dacoits, notably 
Nga Hmat, Kya Yit, and Kya Zi, disturbed Katha district for a 
time, but all the members of their gangs were accounted for in 
1894. Tauk Ta, who was still at large in the Minbu district in 
1893 with a band of 27 men with 10 guns, was captured with all 
his men in that year. The last of all the dacoit leaders to be taken 
was Nga Cho. After remaining concealed for several years, he 
suddenly re-appeared in the P6ppa hill neighbourhood with a small 
but troublesome^ f?''^"g ^^^ g^^'^ ^^ much trouble in the Mylngyan 
district that special measures were taken for his capture. He was 
captured with the principal members of his gang and brought to 
justice in 1896, the last of the hundreds who had troubled the upper 

But already in 1890 the progress towards the complete estab- 
Conversion of the hshment of order was SO great that considerable 
military piiice inio reduction was Dossible in the strength of the mili- 
regiments. ^^^y police. This was effected by the transfer 

of frontier levies to the regular army in pursuance of a scheme for 
garrisoning the Southern Shan States and the Chin Hills by troops 
instead of police. In this way, with the Mogaung levy, the first three 
Burma regiments were formed, taking the place of disbanded Madras 
Native Infantry regiments. At the close of 1891 the six battalions 
employed in the Mytiigyan, Pak6kku, Minbu, Magwe, Lower 
Chmdwin, and Sagalng districts were amalgamated into three. 
The reduction thereby effected of ten and a half companies enabled 
the 4th Burma Regiment to be formed. There was then a pause 
for a year owing to the necessity for increasing the force m the 
Ruby Mines district, which then included Mong Mit for police pur- 
poses, and in the Bhamo, Katha, and Upper Chindwin districts, 
where much previously unexplored country was brought under con- 
trol. In 1892, however, 16 companies were transferred to the 
Native Army and formed the nucleus of the 5th and 6th Burma Re- 
giments, and in the beginning of 1893 ^ further reduction of eight 
companies resulted in the formation of the 7th Burma Regiment. 
In 1894 the Mandalay battalion of seven companies was abolished 
and a reduction of one company in the Southern Division battalion 
and of two rompanies in the Katha battalion was effected. The 
Yam^thin battalion was increased by two companies and the North- 
ern Chin Hills battalion of six companies was formed, which set 
free one of the regiments employed there for service elsewhere, In 
this way the strength of the Upper Burma military police was 
reduced to 12,091. The cost of the military police, which in 1889 




had been Rs. 67.74,810 was in 1895 reduced to Rs. 32,10,905. 
Latterly the military police force in Lower Burma, in consequence 
of additional calls, has been increased at the expense of reductions 
in Upper Burma. 

At the same time the civil police have been decreased in numbers, 
while they have increased in efficiency. This is largely due to the 
institution of training schools and of beat-patrols, while the estab- 
lishment of I o-house^rtMrt^j, according to the old Burmese system, 
greatly improved the cRiciency of the rural police. Under this 
system a village is divided into a number of blocks, each of which 
is under a lo-house gaung. All the iD-house^i7tt«^^ in their turn 
are suburdinale to the vlllai;e headman The system was familiar 
to the people and is in itself a good on'*. Its adoption has done 
?nuch to render easier the detection of crime. In the Pakokku 
district a number of Chins have been enlisted in the police with 
most satisfactory results. The recruiting of Kachins in the Bharao 
and Myitkyina districts has aUo been begun, but their efBciency is 
a matter on which their officers so far are not in agreement. A 
company of Kachin military police, however, behaved very credit- 
ably under fire on the occasion of the taking of some Chinese 
stockades in the Kachin Hills In April 1898. 





It seems probable that the Tai, or Shan, race will furnish in the 

„. ^ , unravelment of its histon' an explanalion, or, 

The Tal race. . . . , , ' . ' . ' 

at any rate, a clue to many obscure points in 

the history not only of Indo-China but of the Chinese Empire it- 
self. The Tai race, in its different branches, is beyond all ques- 
tion the most widely spread oi any in the Indo-Chinese Peninsula 
and even in parts beyond the peninsula, and it is certainly the most 
numerous, It is quite certain that Tai are found from Assam to 
far into the Chinese province of Kwang-si and Irom Bangkok 
to the interior of Yunnan, it seems possible that they may be 
traced even farther. Monsieur Bons d'Anty, the Consul for France 
in Canton, who had many opporiunities of studying the race not 
merely in Ssu-mao, but previously in Lung-Chao, Nan-ning, and 
Wu-chao, found not only that Shan was practically the language 
of the country from Lung-chao to Pe-se, the limit of navigation on 
the West river (Hsi Kiang), but is inclined to think that the Hak- 
kas of south China, if not Tai, have a very strong infusion of Tai 
blood. This is prima facie extremely probable, though it does not 
yet admit of direct proof, but beyond this Monsieur Bons d'Anty 
believes that the Li, the inhabitants of the interior of Hainan, are 
pure Tai. Very little is known about them, and the question is loo 
controversial to be treated in a gazetteer, but it may be mentioned 
that both men and women wear their hair knotted like the Shans, 
that the Shang Li or wild Li women have their faces tattooed when 
they marry, and that there is a Li written character, which has not 
yet been critically examined, but is characterized by a Chinese 
writer as being "like the wriggling of worms,'* a picturesque de- 
scription which might be applied to the Shan alphabet. It may be 
added that the coast belt of Hainan is inhabited chiefly by Hakkas. 
The difference of name proves nothing either way, for the branch- 
es which are indisputably Tai are known by a bewildering variety 
of names, which serve to conceal their identity, such as Tai, Htai, 
Pai-i, Moi, Muong, Tho or Do, Hkamti, with a very much greater 
number of local names, assumed by themselves or given them by 
their neighbours, such as Lao, Law, Hkiin, Lii. Tal-long, Tai-noi, 
Tai-mao, Tai-nO, Tai-man, Tai-hk^, Tal-loi, Pu-tai, Pu-nong (or 
Wung), Pu-man, Pu-jii, Pu-chei, Pu-en, Pu-yiei, Pu-shui, p'o* Pa, 

1 88 


Shui Han, or Hua Pai-i, Pai-jfrn. T'u-jen. P'u-man. Pal, Hei or 
Hwa T'u-lao, Nung or Lung-jen, Sha-jen, Hel or Pai Sha-jdn, Min- 
chia, Shui-chia, Chung-chia. and many more still more purely local. 

As if this were not enoujjh, they have six di^tlnct forms of written 
character — the Siamese, ihe Lao or Siamese Shan, ihe Lii, and H kun 
which might be called frans-Salween Shan, the Cis-Salween Shan 
which with the Hkun might be called British Shan, the Tai Mao 
which is Chinese Shan, and the Hkamti Shan of the settlements 
west of the Irrawaddy. 

The spoken languages are to a great extent mutually incompre- 
hensible; the written characters are no less of a reciprocal puzzle, 
most exasperating of all, the tones of the various dialects do not 
correspond. Yet to a student in the Rriiish Museum there is not a 
doubt as to the common origin and in many cases the identity of 
the various forms. Siamese gentlemen have found that with pa- 
tience they can understand their farthest relatives, the Hkamti 
Shans, but they cannot carry on a conversation with their nearest 
neighbours, the Lao, and the written character of Slam and of the 
Hkamti Shans is the most divergent of any. It might naturally 
be supposed that Siam, which is the only Independent Tai State in 
existence, and is and has boon for long the most civilized and ad- 
vanced, would supply us with the best history of the race, but it is 
precisely Siam which furnishes no information whatever on the 
subject. Bishop Pallegoix places the commencement of the Shan 
Kingdom of Siam in .\.D. 1350, and previous to this date no infor- 
mation whatever exists, except strange hyperbolical stories and 
fabulous tales, which have not even the merit of corresponding with 
those of their northern brethren. 

As if the multitude of Shan tribe names and State names were 
not bewildering and kaleidoscopic enough, some strange fatality 
created two phantasms which attracted the attention of enquirers 
to the exclusion and obscuring of less elusive facts in Shan history. 
These were the * Kingdom of Pong ' and the Ko-shan-pyi, the nine 
Shan States. The ' Kingdom of Pong' appears in the translation 
of a Shan chronicle (the manuscript is now lost) obtained in Mani- 
pur by Captain Pemberton in 1895. The same kingdom is men- 
tioned in the list of his conquests by Anawra-hta, King of Pagan. 
The name, however, is unknown to the Shans and much ingenuity 
has been wasted in trying to identify it. Sir Arthur Phayre said 
it was Mogaung. The late Mr. Ney Ellas was convinced that it 
was Mong Mao. Mr. E. H. Parker, by dint of Chinese learning, 
proves it to be Luh-ch'wan. Since, however, he admits that this 
IS a purely Chinese title, that the State no longer exists, and that its 
limits were not clearly defined when it did exist, the solution Is the 




less gratifying. The frivolous might say that the Kingdom of 
P6ng was ^^^s. Harris. Since the origin of the name SJtati for the 
Tai race itself is a puzzle, the Kingdom of Pong may be put on 
the shelf beside it, till we have fuller information. AH that is pos- 
sible is to prove that there was an ancient Shan Kingdom, but 
there is nothing to show that it was called the Kingdom of Pong 
or that that name was ever known to the Tai race. 

The term Ko-shan-pyi or nine Shan States is more easily ex- 
plained. The various Shan chronicles which so far have been con- 
sulted, while they give their own local name as that of the para- 
mount kingdom, unite in adding the classical or Buddhistical 
name of Kawsampi. This may very probably have been borrowed 
from Kaw-sambi, one of the most celebrated cities of ancient India, 
but the Burman official, with the ear of a hippopotamus and the 
arrogance of a self-made man, could not bring himself to admit 
that a Shan Kingdom had any right to a classical title, if indeed he 
knew that Kawsampi was classical. He therefore transformed 
Kawsampi into Ko-shan-pyi. It is possible that it may have 
been assumed that there were at some time nine co-existent 
Shan States, but the fact seems as doubtful as it is certain that 
the seven Kingdoms of the Saxon Heptarchy never flourished at the 
same time. Such Shan chronicles as are known do not support any 
assertion of the kind, and the Burmese, so far from giving any list, 
had a very clear conviction that at whatever period they had deal- 
ings with the Shans, there were always very many more than nine 
Shan States. They therefore amused themselves with fancy 
variants, such as the Ko Maing, Ko Kyaing, the " nine Mongs, and 
" the nine Kengs or Chiengs,"or the" ninety-nine Shan Sawbwas" 
whom sundry rulers claim to have defeated in expeditions to the 
hills, or from whom they profess to have received tribute on 
homage days. 

The name and the implied fact of the Ko-shan-pyi was intro- 
duced to Western readers by Buchanan-Hamilton m the Edin- 
burgh Philosophical Journal, X, 246, and as a result Ritter, 
Bumey, Hannay, and many others have given conflicting lists which 
strove to fix these nine Shan States. 

The late Mr. Ney Elias detected the confusion and says : " Ku- 
" sambi is merely the classical or adopted name for Mung Mau, 
" which was, it so happens, at some period composed of nine 
" Maings or provinces, though usually of ten. It has been mis- 
" construed into a Burmese combination of Ko-shan-pri and inter- 
" preted to mean nine Shan States." Instead of recognizing that 
the term was merely a fancy and not a fact, Mr. Elias, howeveri 


unfortunatdy persisted in endeavouring to identify nine of the small 
Slates, usually known as the Chinese Shan Slates, as the Ko-shan- 
pyi. It is much simpler to recognize that Ko-shaii-pyj is Kavv- 
sampi and is the Shan name for the dominant Slate, which the 
Manipuris called the Kingdom of Pong and the Chinese, as the 
painstaking researches o( Mr. E. H. Parker prove, the Kingdom of 
Ai-Iao or Nanchao. 

It is most unfortunate that few Shan histories have survived the 
civil wars and that the texts so far recovered and translated are 
very corrupt and ascribe to each particular modem State llie pre- 
dominance over the others in the past, that is to say, they all claim 
lo be KawsampI or tlie Kingdom of P6ng. Moreover, none of the 
texts are really old, and appear to have been drawn up from memory 
or tradition in almost evi ry case. The confusion of dates caused 
by an imperfect knowledge among the later writer^ of the ancient 
Tai system of counting by cycles, explained below, also makes 
comparison very difficult. 

Until comparatively recently our knowledge of the Shans was de- 
rived entirely from Burmese history, or from the information con- 
densed from the journals ol Dr. Richardson and Captain Macleod, 
by Colonel Yule in the thirteenth chapter of his Narrative of the 
Mission to the Court of Avain 1855. The Burmese history was con- 
fused, fragmentary, and biassed; the details of the explorers are 
very valuable in giving us details of intermediate history, but hardly 
help us to determine when the dispersion and segregation of the 
Shan race began and what their position was before these events 
look place. 

The late Mr. Ney Elias made a commencement of getting Shan 
history from the Shans. He had a number of Shan chronicles trans- 
lated for him and had them compared with Burmese translations 
of Shan books and combined the information in his Introductory 
Sketch of the History of the Shafts, published in Calcutta in 1S76- 
The result is very valuable, but it seems to unduly exalt the Shans 
of MongMao. The whole of the Nam Mao or Shweli valley has ob- 
viously been cultivated and highly populated for a very long time, 
but it remains to be proved that the term Mao Shans is a political 
rather than a racial term. The same criticism may be applied to the 
chronicle of Hsen Wi, now first translated and given below. To this 
have been added details from other chronicles, which seem to amend 
or elucidate it- It may, however, be said of these chronicles, as Colo- 
nel Yule said of the fiistory of Burma, that " the desire to carry 
*' back to a remoter epoch the existence of the Empire as a great 
"monarchy has led to the representation of what was really the 



" history of various petty principalities, attaining probably an alter- 
" nate preponderance of dominion, as the history of one dynasty of 
" monarchs in various successive seats." 

The chronicles are local, but there is sufficient correspondence in 
their details to point to a common Shan history. They are, how- 
ever, too fragmentary as yet to warrant more than corrections of 
existing information. 

On such existing history Mr. Parker's translations from Chinese 
annals throw much lighi. He is a little too intolerant of confusion 
of date and fact, arising from the intermingling of the Shan cycle 
system and the ordinary Buddhist era, but the piecing together of 
various confirmatory items of information give us for the present a 
better idea of the history of the Shans, and, with the discovery of 
new chronicles, will enable an orderly history to be written. There 
is not enough material to furnish this yet, but there is enough to 
show that "during the ninth century of our era Burma, whatever 
" i\R size may have been, was at least, so far as its northern portion 
" was concerned, inferior in power to the Shan Kingdom of Tali-fu, 
" which at one time came very near overthrowing the Chinese T'ang 
" dynasty " and that " the first Emperor of the Sung dynasty in the 
" middle of the tenth century drew a line beyond which he w^s de- 
" termined to have no political concern, and the Nanchao State, now 
'* first called the Kingdom of Ta-li, was quite independent up to the 
"time of the Mongol inroad under Prince Kublai, afterwards 
" Kublai Khan." 

The Reverend J. N. Cushing, D.D., is the only real authority on 
the Shans. 1 le furnished a monograph on their history and ethno- 
graphy for Mr. H. L. Ealcs's Report on the Census of Burma, 1892. 
From this what follows is collated and adapted as an introduction 
to the fragmentary historical details derived from the Shan chro- 

South-western China was the original home of the Tai people, or 
rather was the region where they attained to a marked separate de- 
velopment as a people. There are many indications that they had 
anciently a close connection with the Chinese before setthng in 
Sz-ch*wan and the country south of the Yang-tzu river. Dim tra- 
ditions of such a connection still exist among them. One of the most 
striking discoveries of modern research, due in great part to the 
late M- Terrien de Lacouperie, is the comparative youth of the 
Chinese as a great homogeneous and powerful people. Immense 
regions inside China proper were non-Chinese, and the Sons of 
Heaven had no more power than was necessary to keep a check 
upon these internal and inveterate foes, always ready to break the 



net which from time to time was spread over them. It was not 
before the first quarter of the third century B.C. that the Chinese 
political power permitted it to cross the 'Yangtzu-kiang, which 
nearly separates the country Into two halves, north and south. .And 
as a i'act Chinese authority was so far from bcin^ established that 
about 566 AD. the Emperor Wu-ti of the Northern Chao dynasty 
was obliged to protect the passages of the Yang-izu, west of 1-chang, 
with ramparts in order to prevent the raids of barbarians. In the 
latter part of the fifth century of our era, the chief of the Pan-hu 
race was recognized by the Chinese Emperor as King of Siang- 
yang (llupeh) and Governor of King Chao. His realm contain- 
mg 80,000 villages, covered the provinces of Central Ciiina and ex- 
tended north to near the Yellow river. In the IweUlh century they 
still occupied the eastern half of Sz-ch'wan and Kuei-chao, Hupeh, 
and Munan provinces Knowledge of this is necessary to under- 
stand the formation and evolution of the Chinese nation. There is 
a broad distinction to be drawn between the extension of the 
Chinese dominion politically so called and that of their influence. 

The indigenous Chiefs were recognized as Chinese ofiioials by the 
addition of Chinese titles of office to their own native dignity. Such 
native States entirely enclosed in Chinese territory lasted for many 
centuries and the broken tribes srill in existence in the southern 
provinces of China are fragments of their population. " Segmen- 
" tation, intermingling, and transfer from one place to another have 
" happened on so extensive a scale that hybridity Is much more to 
" be met with than purity in any degree^ yet of those who migrated 
" southwards, and were progressively driven outside the modern 
"Chinese frontiers, there are in Indo-China not a few remnant 
" tribes, or reconstituted nations, representative, in a decayed or in 
" an improved state of culture, of former communities, or important 
" races and States which once were located in Central and Southern 
" China." A study of all the documents available led Monsieur 
Terrien to the definite pronouncement that " the cradle of the Shan 
" race was in the Kiu'lung mountains north of Sz-ch'wan and south 
" of Shensi in China proper." Whe'her this is final may be doubted, 
but at any rate there can be little doubt that the Tai race, whether 
they are pure Ngu, Pa, Lao, or Ngai-lao (the Ailao of Mr. Parker), 
or an inextricable imbroglio of hybrid communities, formed the domi- 
nating power in Yunnan for many centuries. Mr. Parker's re- 
searches given below prove this conclusively. 

Burman historj- tells us of two great military expeditions from 
Yunnan into Burma by Taydks ; one not long before the Christian 
era and the other about A.D. 241. These Tay6k3 could not have 
been the Chinese^ for the Chinese were shut off from contact with 



the Burmese until after the conquest of Yunnan by Kublai Khan in 
A.O. 1253, when he put an end to the Nan-chao Kingdom. It 
seems clear that these Tayoks must have been the Shans prior to 
their dispersal, and their kingdom Ai-lao or Nan-chao may oe pre- 
sumed to be the Kingdom o7p6ng and the Kawsampi of latter-day 
histories. This may also explain why the Hurmcse speak of the 
Mongol armies as consisting of two races, the Tar6ks (or Tayoks) 
and the Tarets. Sir Arthur Phayre says the Manchus are called 
Taret by the Burmese, but Mr. Parker doubts the fact and demands 
his authority. The fact that Taruk and Taret mean " six and seven " 
in Manipuri is without doubt very extraordinary and suggests that 
the enquiry is at sixes and sevens, but it in no other way affords a 
solution. It may be permitted tosuggest that the Teru State, of 
which M.Terrien writes, seems to supply a clue. It developed about 
the eleventh century B C, " grew progressively to an enormous ex- 
" tent, equal to, if not more important than, all the other States of the 
" Chinese confederation put together," but the Teru or Tero were 
eventually expelled from China in 77S A.D. by the King of Nan- 
chau when he destroyed the western part of the Tsuan State in 
North Kwangsj. M. Terrien detects in them the antecedents of 
the Karen tribes. Dr. Gushing urges convincingly that the great 
homogeneity of the different divisions of the Tai race can be ac- 
counted for only by the existence of one or more strong Tai States 
in South-western China for a considerable time before the first 
historical notice of Nan-chao early in the seventh century. Mr. 
Parker indicates that there was this powerful Slate in the earlier 
kingdom of Ai-lao, and everything down to the existence at the 
present day of the Pai-i, the Min-ch'iang, and other tribes of un- 
doubted Tai race in the south and west of Yunnan, stranded on the 
borders of the ancient home of their race, combine to prove the same 

Monsieur Terrien is an additional witness when he \\Tites of 
the Ngai-lao . " They appear again in A. D. 47, making raids on the 
" Chinese territory, descending the Han and Yangtsz rivers on 
" bamboo rafis. In the year 69 Liu Mao, their General-King, sub- 
"mittedtothe empire with seventy seven chiefs of communities 
'* and 51,890 families, comprising 553,71 1 persons. As they had 
*' extended over the whole western part of Sz-ch'wan and somh- 
" wardsj they were officially recognized by the Chinese Government 
"in the east of Yunnan. In A, D. 78, having rebelled against the 
" Chinese officials appointed to represent the suzerainty of China, 
" their king, Lei-Iao, was defeated in a great battle, which caused 
" many of their tribes to migrate into the present country of the 
" Northern Shan Slates. They soon recovered from this blow 




" and they developed and formed the agglomerations which became 
" in A. D. 629 the great State of Nan-chao, which afterwards ex- 
" tended in all directions." There Is throughout a suggestion of 
the fatal want of coherence which appears always to have charac- 
terized the Tai, but the evidence seems complete of a united and 
powerful State which lasted long enough and had traditions glorious 
enough to impress its paternity upon its most distant descendants, 
no matter how widely separated and how greatly influenced by alien 
races and diverse political connections. 

Dr. Gushing says the migrations of the Tai into Burma probably 
began about two thousand years ago, although Shan and Burman 
tradition place the irruption several centuries earlier. What we 
can gather from Chinese history would seem to point to the same 
date. Probably the first swarms were small and were due rather to 
the restlessness of character, which has always characterized the 
Tai, than to exterior force. Some of the migrations may have been 
warlike expeditions, such as that which destroyed the ancient 
Tagaung Empire. The inference is irresistible that the invaders 
were not Chinese but Tai or Tero Shans or Karens^ and almost 
certainly not the latter. 

Later, however, larger and more important migrations were un- 
doubtedly due to the pressure of Chinese invasion and conquest. 

Most Northern Shan Chronicles begin with the legend that in 
the middle of the sixth century of our era two brothers descended 
from heaven and took up their abode in Hsen \Vi, or in the valley 
of the Shweli, or of the Irrawaddy, or wherever local pride requires 
the settlement. There they found a population which immediately 
accepts them as kings. This is probably the folks-myth fashion 
of stating a historical fact. A great wave of Tai migration de- 
scended in the sixth century of the Christian era from the mountains 
of Southern Yunnan into the Nam Mao or Shweli valley and the 
adjacent regions, and through it that valley became the centre of 
Shan political power. Tradition and the statement of all the 
hitherto discovered chronicles assert that the Nam Mao or Shweli 
valley and its neighbourhood, Bhamo, Mong Mil, Hsen Wi, is 
the first home of the Shans In Upper Burma, It seems most 
probable that this wave of migration followed the path already 
traversed by earlier Tai colonists, who had sought a home in these 
parts, but had attained no political importance. From the Nam Mao 
the Shans spread south-east over the present Shan Stales, north 
into the present Hkamti region, and west of the Irrawaddy river into 
all the country lying between it, the Chiiidwin, and Assam. Centu- 
ries later they overran and conquered Wesali-LOng, Assam itself. 

Chap, vi.] the shan states and the tai. 


Not only does tradition assert that these Shans of Upper Burma are 
ihe oldest branch of the Tai family, but they are always spoken of by 
other branches as the Tai L&ttg^ or Great Shans, while the other 
branches call themselves Tai Noi, or Little Shans. The name Tai 
Mao referring to the Shweli river is also freauently used, Even the 
Siamese use the term, though they misapply it. They call them- 
selves Hlai Noi or Little Htai, and the Lao Shans, from whom they 
say they are sprung, they call Htai Yai, the Great Htai. But the 
Lao in their turn call themselves Tai Noi and acknowledge the 
Northern Shans of Burma to be the Tai Long. The Shan-Chinese, 
whose States Indicate the line followed by Shan migration into 
Burma, also share this title of Tai LOng. No doubt the name is 
due to the fact that the earliest political centre was established by 
the northern branch of tlie family as well as to the probability that 
it was I he strongest when the kingdom of Nan-chaocame toan end. 

These earliest settlers and other parties from Yunnan gradually 
pressed southwards, but the process was slow. It was not' until the 
fourteenth centur)' that the Siamese Tai established themselves in 
the great delta of the Mfenam, between Cambodia and the MGn 
country. It seems probable enough that this latest movement, 
which must also have been made in the greatest strength, was the 
direct result of the conquest of the Shan kingdom of Ta-H-fu by 
Prince Kublai in A. D. 1253. 

The early history of the Shans in Burma is very obscure. There 
is little doubt that a powerful Shan kingdom called Mong Mao L6ng 
grew up in the north in the neighbourhood of the Shweli river. 
The late Mr. Ney Elias identified the capital as the modern Mong 
Mao, but there can be no doubt that he was wrong. That place 
was not adopted as capital until long after the kingdom had reach- 
ed its period of greatest power. Everything points to the fact, how- 
ever, that the kingdom was that of the Mao Shans, the Shans who 
settled along the Shweli river. New kin^s verj- often chose new sites 
for their capitals. These were always near the Nam Mao, and 
the site which was most often adopted was that of Cheila according 
to Ney Elias' manuscript. There can be scarcely any doubt that 
this was the modern SJ;, about 13 mileseast of Nam Hkam and 
close to the frontier, which here is the Shweli river or Nam Mao, 
beyond which at no very great distance is the modern Mong Mao. 

The modern Sfe Lan is a village of no great size. It stands 
on the highest point of an irregular four-sided plateau, which 
rises to a height of 200 or 300 feet above the valley level and 
is about a square mile in area. This plateau is completely sur- 
rounded by an entrenched ditch, which is in many places 40 or 
50 feet deep. There no doubt was once also a wall, but this has 



completely mouldered away. A few miles off is Pang Hkam, also 
an old Mao capital, and also with the remains of an earthen para- 
pel and ditch enclosing an even larger area. In the neighbour- 
hood are a number of bare detached hills surrounded by formid- 
able entrenchments. The local people ascribe the construction of 
these cities and works to the Chinese, but they are very ancient, 
have a great resemblance to the other ancient cities found in all 
parts of the Shan States, and there can be very little doubt are old 
capitals of the Mao Shans. If Nan-chao was not Kawsampi and 
the Kingdom of P6ng, then we may take it for granted that this 
Mao Shan kingdom was. 

The silence of Burman histor\' with reference to this kingdom 
is strange and is only to be explamed on the assumption that what 
they then knew as Tayoks were really the Shans and that the trans- 
ference of the name centuries aftenvards to the Chinese was accom- 
plished without the recognition of the fact that they knew nothing 
of the real Chinese until the Shan kingdom of Nan-chao was over- 
thrown. Tai chronicles indicate that the Mao Kingdom began in 
the seventh centurj' of our era and maintained itself with varying 
degrees of prosperity until the rise of Anawra-hta, the King of Pagan, 
This monarch gained ascendency in much of the plain country^ 
which up till then the Shans had held. It is for this reason that 
Mr. Parker looks upon Anawra-hta Mengsaw as the first definite 
King of Burmese history and thinks that his famous visit to China, 
in quest of the Buddha's Tooth, took him no further than the in- 
dependent State of Nan-chao, then called the Tayok country. 

On his return Anawra-hta married a daughter of the Mao Shan 
King. Ney Ellas says that the Mong Mao chronicle states that 
that Chief "g.ive his daughter to the Pagan monarch, though it is 
"also staled that he never went to the Pagan Court as a true vassal 
" must have done.** But whether he became a real vassal of Anaw- 
ra-hta or not, it is quite clear that when that King's reign came to 
an end in 1052 A. D. the Sanobwas of the Mao Kingdom remained 
independent. In 12 10 A. D. there was some sort of change in the 
succession, indicated in the Hsen \Vi Chronicle by a fairy tale and 
the reign of a Princess Yi Kang llkam, and in the Mong Mao 
chronicle, by what Ney Ellas calls ' a third influx of Kun Lung's pos- 
" terity in the person of Chau*ainio-kam-neng, of the race of Kunsu 
" of Maing-kaing Maing-nyaung." Whatever the facts may have 
been, there followed two brothers, who extended the limits of the Mao 
Kingdom to the farthest point they ever reached. These were Sao 
(or Hso) Hkan Hpa and bam L6ng Hpa. The HsenWi Chronicle, 
it may be remarked, gives more credit to Hso Hkan Hpa than is 
allowed him in the story of Mong Mao. However that may be, the 



younger brother (they were twins according to the Hsen VVi ver- 
sion), Sam Lung Hpa, hocSLme Sawb7va oi Mogaung, where he built 
a new ciiy and established a new line of powerful princes tributary 
to Mong Mao, five years before Hsd Hkan Hpa succeeded to the 
throne of the Mao Shans in 1235. Four campaigns were under- 
taken and the dominion of the Mao Shans was enormously extended. 
The suzerainty of Hsu Hkan Hpa was caused lo be acknowledged 
as far south as Moulmcin and to KCng Hong on the east. His 
dominions were extended westwards by the over-running of Arakan, 
the destruction of its capital, and the invasion of Manipur. Assam 
was subjugated in 1229 A. D. and pa-ssod under the rule of the 
Shans, who were henceforth styled Ahom in that country. It is 
claimed that even the Tai Kingdom of Ta-li [it may be noted that 
the name of Nan-chao is quite unknown to the Shan chroniclers. 
It is a purely Chinese term and means Southern Prince] acknow- 
ledged allegiance to the Mao King before its fall under the attack 
of Kublai Khan in 1253 A. D. In fact it may have been the ag- 
gressiveness of the Mao Shans which brought down the Mongolian 
army. Dr. Gushing thinks it more likely, however, that ihe relation 
of Ta-li was one of alliance rather than subordination. For nearly 
thirty years after the conquest of Yunnan by the Mongol-Chinese 
army, the Chinese hung about the frontier, and then in 1 2S4 A. D. a 
Mongolian force, we are told, swept down on Pagan and overthrew 
the Burman monarchy. This expedition seems in no way to have 
harmed the Mao Kingdom. It could hardly have passed through 
without doing so if the Mao King had been hostile. The presump- 
tion therefore has been that there was some sort of agreement if not 
a direct alliance, and indeed this is indicated by the legends of 
the Hsen \Vi history. It is from this conjunction perhaps that the 
Burmese jingle, Tar6k Taret, takes its beginning. Just at this 
period a new capital called Man Maw was established in A. D. 
1285, near the site of the present town of Bhamo, and this suggests 
a revival of Shan power in the plains where Auawra-hla had curbed 
or destroyed it. Moreover, the weakening of the power of Burma 
by the overthrow of Pagan was favourable to the Mao Kingdom, 
for it is claimed that the Mao territories were increased by the con- 
quest of the Mfenam valley to Ayuthia and of Yunzalin and Tavoy. 
This we know was rather the commencement of the present King- 
dom of Siam than its conquest by an army of Mao Shans and 
conversion into an integral part of the Mao realm. Following as 
it did on the overthrow of the Kingdom of Nan-chao or Ta-li, it seems 
safe to say that the destruction of Pagan was the result of this in- 
vasion of the Mongolians, but that it was not the Chinese at all 
who effected it, but the Shans diiven from their old independent 



kingdom. The whole question requires much more elucidation 
than Is at present possible, but it may be pointed out that Mr. 
Parker hints at the same thing when he says: " We may there- 
" fore reject the whole story of the Mongols ever having reached the 
"then capital of New Pagan, though it is quite possible that Shan 
" auxiliaries may have taken the opportunity to sack or loot it," 

The inference seems all the more certain when we find the Shans 
immediately afterwards partitioning Burma among them on the 
death of Kyawzwa, the last King of the Anawra-hta dynasty. It 
may be parenthetically added that the three Shan brothers who 
divided the empire seem lo be alluded to in the history of On Bawng 
Hsi Paw. Sir Arthur Phayrc says they came from the small Shan 
State of Binnaka. which has always been rather a problem. These 
chronicles, now first translated, seem to prove that Binnaka is Peng 
Naga, a man, and not a small State, and that his three sons, or more 
probably descendants, were the rulers of Sagaing, Panya, and Myin- 

Up to this period there is a considerable correspondence in 
the details of the various Shan chronicles. From this time on 
they diverge and become more local and parochial. The pro- 
sperity of the Mao Kingdom, we are told, "began to wane soon 
"after it had attained its greatest area of territory." About the 
same time the Kingdom of Nan-chao fell. The opinion may 
therefore be hazarded thai all refer to the original independent 
Shan kingdom and that Nan-chao, Kawsampi, and the Kingdom 
of Pong are the same place. Probably all the Shan Sawhvas 
rendered tribute lo a dominant Sawhwa at Ta-li. When he was 
overthrown the race split up into a number of unconnected princi- 
palities and has remained disunited ever since. 

Whether this is the case or not there is no doubt as to the steady 
decadence. The Siamese and Lao dependencies became a sepa- 
rate kingdom under the suzerainty of Ayuthia, the old capital of 
Siam. Wars with Burma and China were frequent and the in- 
vasions of the Chinese caused great loss. On one occasion a 
king, who may be either of the brothers Sao Ngan Mpa of Mong 
Mao, or Sao Kawn Hpa of Mogaung, fled to Ava, was pursued by 
the Chinese, and took poison and died there. This was in 1445 
A. D., and the circumstance that the Chinese dried his body and 
carried it back to their own country with them enables us to com- 
pare systems of transliteration as well as to settle dates. This 
unlucky monarch is the Thohan-bwa of Burmese history, the Sun- 
gampha of Manipur, and the Sz-j^n-fah of Chinese annals. His 
gruesome end makes him a landmark and gives him a celebrity 



that nothing else connected with his history would seem to war- 

It seems most probable that there was no central Shan power, 
but, if there were, constant wars weakened it, and the various princi- 
palities gained a semi-independence. Of these, Mong Kawng 
(Mogaung) was the farthest from China and seems lo have been 
the most powerful. Ney Elias' Mong Mao chronicle alleges that 
Sao Horn Hpa, the last Mao Sa-wdwa, reigned for eighty-eight years 
and died in 1604 A. D. and that his kingdom attained a prosperity 
never before realized. This is obviously the mere desire for a 
happy bnding which characterizes healthy story-tellers, for it is 
certain thai Bayinnaung, the ambitious and successful King of 
Pegu, conquered the Mao territory in A. D. 1562 Subsequent 
Chinese invasions in A. D. 1582 and in 1604 put a final end to the 
Mao Shan dynasty. Although Mong Kawiig maintained a semi- 
independence until its final conquest by Alaungpaya a centurj' and 
a half later, it may be said that from 1604 A. D. Shan history 
merges in Burmese history, and the .Shan principalities, though 
they were always restive and given to frequent rebellions and 
intestine wars, never threw off the yoke of the Burmans. 

It is from this period that the Tai became gradually separated 
into groups. The nature of their country made this easy, as no 
doubt it also helps to explain their want of coherence; the influence 
of neighbouring nations did the rest. Some of these were conquer- 
ing, some were absorbent ; all of them were greedy and combative. 

Dr. Cushing divides the Tai into three groups— the northern, the 
intermediate, and the southern — and he considers the Lu of Keng 
Hun^ (the Cheli of the Chinese and the Hsip Hsawng Panna or 
XU Panna of many neighbours) and the Hkiin of Keng TQng the 
intermediate group. But this seems hardly sufficient to cover such 
radical dilTerencesasare marked by distinctive alphabets. A division 
which would indicate political influences and would group the Tai 
as influenced by Burma, by China, and by the ancient Khmer King- 
dom has its attractions, but it certainly would not be adequate. 
Physical characteristics and the affinities of language connect the 
Tai indisputably with the Chinese. Not one of the written alpha- 
bets, however, has the least trace of Chinese influence. A better 
classification seems that proposed by the late Mr. Pilcher. He 
suggested the consideration of the Tai under four sections — (i) the 
north-western, (ii) the north-eastern, (iii) the eastern, and (iv) the 
southern. Among the eastern he grouped the Shans of the Cis- 
Salween States, which in the light of our later knowledge is not 
satisfactory, and with the Siamese he grouped the Lao, who would 
more naturally fall under the head of the eastern section. Still the 



arrane^ment is the most convenient for discussion from the Burma 
point of view and this may suggest a belter scheme. 

In the north-western branch may be included all the Shans 
and Shan Burmese who are spread over the north of Burma proper 
from Manipur and Assam to Bhamo. Mong Kawng fMogaung) 
and Mong Yang (Mohnyin) were both of them capitals of independ- 
ent Shan States of some importance, and Mong Kawng, as we have 
seen, outlasted the kingdom of the Mao Shans, of which it was 
claimed to be a province, for something like a century and a half. It 
is somewhat significant that the time of the greatest extension 
claimed for Mong Kawng, as will be seen by a reference to its 
chronicles elsewhere in this work, is precisely the time of the greatest 
power of the Mao Shans and that Sara L6ng Hpa, the first Mo- 

faung Sarvbwa, is spoken of as the General Commanding the 
lao troops. It is claimed that Sam L6ng Hpa had ninety- 
nine Sawhwas under him spread over the provinces of Hkamti, 
Singkaling Hkamti on the Chindwin river, Hukawng, Mong 
Kung (Maingkaing on the Chindwin j, Mong Yawng, Mong 
Yang (Mohnyin), Hsawng Hsup (known as Samjok or Thaung- 
thut), Kale, the Yaw country, and Motshobo or Shwebo. Whether 
this extensive area was ever controlled from Mogaung at one time 
may be doubted, but as to the fact of the supremacy of the Shans 
throughout its limits at one time or another there is no dispute. 
Kven Burmese history admits this and only claims the establish- 
ment of Burmese authority from the year 1442. This subjugation, 
however, if it is admitted at all, was only temporary, for in 1526 
the Shans of Mogaung had not only shaken off the Burmese voke, 
but had conquered Ava, where the Sawhwa of Mohnyin establish- 
ed himself as king and was succeeded by the Chief of "Unbaung," 
that is to say, the modern HsiPaw or Thibaw. The Shans there- 
fore, whether of Mogaung or Mohnyin, independently, or acting 
under the authority and with the support of the Mao Shans, held 
Ava for 30 years. 

As to the power of the Shans in this part of the country, there 
can therefore be no doubt ; what is doubtful is, whether there was 
only one kingdom, with Mogaung and Mohnyin and other sites as 
alternate capitals, or whether^ as sefms more likely, there were a 
number of semi-indejendent States which only united for common 
action under a Miiiig Kawng chief of particular energy, or in cases 
of national emergency. What details we have will be found else- 
where. Here it is only necessary to say that the town of Mogaung 
bears every appearance of having once been a large and ver)' thriv. 
ing centre. Its area is considerably larger than that of Bhamo and 
it contains several miles of paved streets. But it suffered greatly 


in wars with Burma in the i 7th and [8th centuries, and its sack by 
the Kachins in 18S3 would have brought permanent ruin had it 
not been for the British annexation. Mogaung had for long been 
looked upon as a sort of Botany Bay of Upper Burma. Nevertheless, 
nothing is more evident than that the country all round has been a 
fertile and constantly cultivated rice plain, extending southwards to 
Mohnyin, north to Kamaing, and west to Indawgyi. There are 
traces of well-used roads, there are ruins of substantial bridges. 
But the country is a waste. The Kachins did much to ruin it after 
the Burmese had broken the Shan power, and the punishment of the 
Kachins bv the Wuntho Sawdwa (it may be noted that in the times of 
Shan domination there never was any such Sa-wbwa] resulted In prac- 
tical depopulation. Of the villaices nothing remains but temples and 
pagodas ; clumps of fruit trees, cotton plants, and gardens run wild. 
These are, however, quite enough to prove that the Shans had a pro- 
sperous and populous kingdom here and that Mogaung was ordi- 
narily, if not always, its capital. North of Katha it cannot be said 
that there is any real Burmese population. The people, whether 
they are called Shan-Burmese, Kadu, Pwon (or f^pon), are proba- 
bly mestizos and have certainly more of the Tai than of the 
Burman about them. The Kachins would have finished what the 
Burmese began if it had not been for the British annexation and the 
North-western Shans would have as completely disappeared as the 
Ahom in Assam. 

Shans are found for a hundred miles northward of Mogaung, 
but the villages are very few even in the Hukawng or Tanai valley, 
which river is possibly the main source of the Chindwin. This 
valley was formerly all Shan, but the Tai have mostly fled before 
Burman oppression and Kachin invasion. Little is known about 
the Hkamti Shans, whose country is still practically unexplored, but 
the Burmans occasionally enforced their claims and the Kachins 
have not altogether displaced them. British influence has not yet 
been directly established. The smaller Slate of Singkaling Hkamti 
is situated about 60 miles above the junction of the Uyu and Chind- 
win rivers and still retains its Sar^'dTva, but the rulers were always 
tributary to the power thai held Mogaung, and it cannot be said that 
the population retains more direct Tai characteristics than their 
Mogaung and Mohnyin neighbours. The same may be said of 
Hsawng Hsup, the Thaungthut of the Burmese, and the Sumjok of 
old histories. They are mere interesting relics of a great princi- 
)ality just as the Moi and Muong cantons in Kwang-si and Tong- 
[ing are, and of no greater political independent mterest. The 
technical Shan States of Wuntho and Kale, as also of Mong Leng 
(Mohlaing) east of the Irrawaddy, were merely nominally so 




before the annexation and since then the persons in charge of them, 
called Sawbuas from force of habit, have finally ceased to exist and 
their territories are as much incorporated in Upper Burma as Mo- 
gaung and Mohnyin are. It is more by chance than because of 
any difference of status that Hsawng Hsup and Sin^kaltng 
Hkamti have survived them. They have not, for somethmg like 
two centuries, had any political connection or affinity with the East- 
em or Shan Slates proper, and the probability is that they will be- 
come more and more Burmanized, ]ust as the old Shan State of 
Dhamo has become so Burmanized as hardly to recognize that it 
ever was a distinct Shan State. 

Briefly it may be said of the North-western or Western Shans that 
they were completely subjugated by the Burmese and have become 
largely assimilated to them. Even their country has for years been 
considered as a part of Burma Proper. They have long been debar- 
red from any sympathy or connection with the majn bulk of their 
race. Even their women have adopted the Burmese dress, language, 
and habits. It is only the extraordinary tenacity of Tai tradition 
which has prevented them from becoming indistinguishable from 
their conquerors many years ago. The opening of the Mogaung 
railway will shortly obliterate what traces of Tai speech and custom 
remain. Their written character is becoming less and less used and 
known and is likely very soon to disappear everywhere but in Hkamti 
L6ng in the extreme north. 

The Western Shans have the following account of the foundation 
of their States. There was many years ago an Emperor (Udibwa) 
of China, whose queen, Keinnaya Dewi Maha-hti, gave birth to a 
daughter who was blind. When the Princess, who was named Saw 
Hla, had reached the age of twelve, and it was clear that she would 
never have the use of her eyes, she was sent adrift on a Nagata 
raft, which was stocked, presumably by the mother, with food for a 
long journey. One version says the raft was set afloat on the Ta-li 
lake and thence got into the Nawngsfe river and so into the Irra- 
waddy. Others say simply that it was launched on the Irrawaddy. 
Down that river it floated as far as Tagaung, or more precisely 
" the shoal at the mouth of the Chaung-bauk above Sab^nago. 
There the raft grounded, or was caught by the branch of a tree and 
the blind Princess landed. Before very long she met with a tiger 
(a white tiger according to the Mansi story-teller), who had been 
her husband in a previous existence and now wooed and won her, 
and they had four sons. These were named Tho-kaw-bwa, Tho- 
ngan-bwa, Tho-kyan-bwa, and Tho-hon-bwa. These are Burma- 
nized forms of the Shan Hso Hkaw Hpa, &c., and Hso in Shan 
means tiger. When the four boys had grown up, their mother 



Saw HIa fi^avc them a priceless ring, by which they might prove their 
identity, and sent them off to iheir father, the Sao W6ng-ti, and told 
them to tell her story. The Emperor heard the story, recognized 
the ring, and acknowledged the four youths as his grandsons. They 
stayed for three years in China, learning statecraft, arid liien re- 
turned to the Irrawaddy country. Their grandfatherj the Emperor, 
gave to the eldest a gong^ to the second a dagger, to the third a 
heron or egret, and the youngest he told to demand towns and 
countries from his father, the tiger. The others he said would find 
their territories determined for them. Accordingly they returned 
to their own country by separate routes. The eldest came to where 
Mogaung now is and, when he arrived there, his gong began to 
sound of its own accord. By this token he knew that the country 
was to be his and he built a city and took charge of all the country 
round about. The people called the city first of all Bein-kawn^ 
because the gong had sounded there, and this was changed in the 
course of time to Mong ICawng or Mogaung. The word Bein 
appears to be a Western Shan form of the ordinary Man or Wan, 
meaning a village, which in Siamese takes the form Ban. 

The second brother journeyed on until one day his dagger stood 
upright on the ground. Here he founded his capital and it was 
called Bcin-mit, the town of the dagger, and in the present day it is 
known as Mong Mil or Momeik. 

The third marched with his egret until he came to a paddy plain, 
where the bird screamed aloud. Here he built his capital and 
founded his State and it was called at first Bein-yang, the town of 
the egret, and this later became Mong Yang or Mohnyin. 

The fourth son came to his father, the tiger, who made no trouble 
about marking out a State for him, and it was called at first Bein-hso, 
the town of the tiger, and in later times this was changed to Wying 
Hso or Wuntho. 

Tims the four sons of Saw HIa were all provided for, and their 
descendants ruled over the Slates for many generations. The years 
300, 301, 302, and 303 of the Burmese era (938 A.D. ei seq.) are 
given for the foundation of these States. 

Divested of its legeiidary form, the story points to the occupation 
of the country immediately round the Irrawaddv by Shans from the 
State of Nan-chao before its conquest by kublai Khan. The 
name Hso (tiger) is found steadily throughout the Hsen Wi chronicle 
and the names given to the four sons are common Shan dynastic 
titles. The references to the Ta-li lake and to the Nawngsfe ^the 
lake of Si or Yiinnansen) are significant, and the Udibwa or H wang-ti 
■was doubtless the ruler not of China but of the Yunnan country. 



The North-eastern Shans of Pilcher's classification are what are 
generally known as Shan-tay6ks or Chinese Shans. They occupy 
that part of Yunnan which bulges westwards towards the Irratvaddy. 
The bulk of them are now Chinese subjects, but there are many of 
them in Namhkam and Sfelan and all along our Northern Shan 
States frontier. 

This frontier line undoubtedly practically bisects the old Mao 
Shan Kingdom and the various capitals of that kingdom appear to 
have been generally situated close to the frontier line, which for some 
distance is the Nam Mao, a river better known as the Shweli. The 
majority of them would seem to have been on the British side, but 
curiously enough the name of Ko-shan-pyi or Kawsampi has clung 
with the greatest tenacity to the Chinese States, and the late Mr. 
Pilcher struggled unsuccessfully to identify them. There is very little 
doubt that they are the true lai Long or Great Tai, and that with 
them (though they are not called Shan-Chinese) should be classed 
the Shans of Hsen \V1 and Hsi Paw, in fact of our Northern Shan 
States together with what Shans there are in Mong Mit. Geo- 
graphically Mong Lcng (Mohlaing) would also be included, but, 
as has been stated, the population of that extinct State is as 
completely Burmanized as the Shans west of the Irrawaddy. There 
is indisputably a dialectic difference between the Shan spoken in 
the Northern and of the Southern Shan States more distinguish- 
able than that between the Shans of Hsen Wi and the true Tai 
HVh or Shan-Chinese. Ethnologicaliy, as well as historically, there- 
fore these Tai would seem to fall into the same class. The whole 
country formerly often changed hands between the Chinese and 
Burmese and the present frontier line fairly represents the measure 
of their respective success after the Tai themselves ceased to be 
the predommating power. Nevertheless there is very little that is 
Chinese about the Shan-Chinamen, and their written character 
has no sort of resemblance either in form or complexity to that 
of China. Undoubtedly they got it from the Burmese, and it is 
merely an angular and crabbed form of the character which rightly 
or wrongly (most probably wrongly) we look upon as the typical 
Tai character. The dress of the Shan-Chinamen is certainly dis- 
tinctive, but it is so rather in colour than in fashion or type. The 
British Shan dresses almost invariably in white ; the Chinese Shan 
in indigo blue. The women's dress is even more distinctive, but it 
is so only in pattern, a panel variation in adornment of the identical 
seductive garment which doubtless was invented by the Burmese 
coquette. None of the Tai-hkfe women wear the crurum non enar- 
rabile iegmen oi the celestial belle. Apart from mere differences 
of colour and pattern, which are common enough locally, but are 



mere fashionable whims, the chief difference is in the turhan. That 
worn by the women of the Southern Shan "States is ordinarily tJie 
Burmese women's scarf worn round the head as a turban. The 
Shan-Chinese women oftenest wear dark-blue turbans, and these 
are very large, approaching the size o( that worn by the Sikh. 
In Nantien, Slong Wan, Kan-ngai, and the neighbouring Slates it 
broadens to the top and stands a foot high. East of the Salween 
it broadens to the sides and has the ends standing up like horns. 
East of the M^khong it becomes merely round again and is not so 
bulky. Very broad silver bracelets in various patterns are also 
characteristic. The Shan-Chinese Chiefs all speak Chinese, but 
the mass of the population remains distinctively Tai. There has 
been no such assimilation as exists west of the Irrawaddy or in the 
Shan States of the south nearest to Burma, 

The Eastern Tai is that section of the race which is most directly 
known to us as the Shan race ; whence the name Shan came is an 
unsolved riddle. We have seen that the Burmese almost certainly 
first knew the Tai as Taroks or Tarcts. Is it possible that when 
afterwards they heard of the 'Han Jen, the Chinese name for them- 
selves, they transferred 'Han into Shan, and made a further ethno- 
logical error? The idea is a mere conjecture^ but no other expla- 
nation of the name so far as appears is obtainable. 

The name Siam is no help, for whether it is "a barbarous Angli- 
" cism derived from the Portuguese or Italian word Sctam," or is 
derived from the Malay Sayam, which means brown, it can hardly 
be said to be a national wordj though it is still used in official docu- 
ments and treaties. No doubt it came to appear there through the 
foreign contracting parties and not because it was ever used in the 
country itself, which seems always to have been called MongThai. 
It is quite as much a puzzle as the fact that the Siamese and Lao 
call the British Shans Ngio. Mr. Taw Sein Ko thinks it is derived 
from Chiampa, Champanagara, y.rf., the country of the Chams or 

Pilcher grouped together as Eastern Shans all those between the 
Irrawaddy and the M^khong. This is convenient from a political 
and geographical point of view, but it is not so satisfactory as far as 
racial or rather dialectical affinities are concerned. As far east as 
the Salween the various States have been under more or less active 
Burmese suzerainty for very many years and perhaps centuries. And 
the influence exerted, though very far from being anything like so 
great as west of the Irrawaddy, except in the States on the edge of 
the plateau, has been very considerable. Beyond the Salween Bur- 
man control, though it was maintained, was very much less continu- 



ously or vigorously exerted. Conseqiiently both in rftalecl and in 
ttriuen character ihe difference between the Tai east and west of the 
Salween is very marked, much more so ihan between the Southern 
and the Northern Shans of the Irrawaddy basin. When, if ever, 
a clearer history of the original independent Shan States is ob- 
tained, it may be possible to determine which of the present sec- 
tions of the Tai race has been least affected by outside influences. 
!f the theory of the independent Tai Kingdom of Ta-h be correct, 
then the Hkiin and the Lu of Kcng Tung and Keng Hung should 
occupy that position. In dialect and written character they are 
nearer to the Lao than the Tai west of the Salween, but unlike the 
Lao they have been very little, if at all, affected by Khmer or Cam- 
bodian influence, either directly or through the Siamese. The 
traces left by Burmese supremacy are so slight as to be hardly 
noticeable. The Chinese have affected them just as little. The 
Hkiin appear to be much less numerous than was at one time sup- 
posed and, so far from being the inhabitants of the whole great 
State of Keng Tong, seem to be merely the inhabitants of the Targe 
plain in which the capital is situated. The rest of the Tai popu- 
lation calls itself Lii. The Hkiin dialect appears to have been a 
good deal Influenced by the Lawa or Wa, who were at onetime the 
owners of the whole country down to Chiengmai, where in Mc- 
Leod's lime there were " about six villages of them to tiic northward, 
" besides those near MuangNiong. The rest have fled to the moun- 
" tains round Klang Tung, which country, however, is said also for- 
" merly to have belonged to them." This is remembered in the 
curious coronation ceremonies at Keng Tong (y. v.) in which two 
(f^fl always figure. The Hkiin may therefore be looked upon as 
merely a branch of the Lu, and the fact that Keng Tung annals 
supply practically no hints whatever as to Tai history and have no 
connection with other Tai chronicles, is the less disappointing. 
We are therefore thrown back on the Lii, but unfortunately no Lii 
chronicles are yet available. The Lii differ so considerably from 
the Tai L6ng type and also, though in a less degree, from the Cis- 
Salween Shans, that it seems that it is there we must seek for the 
true history of the race. They seem to be nearer to the Pai-i and 
Min-ch'iang and what not of Yiinnan and to the Moi, Do, and Muong 
of Tongking and Kwangsi, so far as information is available about 
these Tai types, than to the Shans on the hither side of the Sal- 
ween. Yet they disown all connection with the Tai, as they call the 
people west of the Salween, and with the Tai Hk6, Chinese-Shans, 
many of whom are settled among them, live in distinct villages, and 
also disown all relationship. It is precisely these intermediate 
groups, as Dr. Gushing calls them, wno insist most firmly on their 



local names of Lii, Hkiin, and Lern and apply ihe name Tai only 
to those of the race whom we know to have been most affected by 
the Burmese. The Lem, according to their tradilioiiSj are un- 
doubtedly fugitives or emigrants from the Nam Mao region. They 
use the " diamond " or Mao Shan character perhaps most frequent- 
ly, though the Lii alphabet is also used. There is also not a little 
confusion caused by the fact that some considerable Lao settlements 
have been made in iheir midst, and retain in their religious books 
the Lao, or Siamese Shan character, though Siamese armies never 
came near either Keng Hung or Mong Lem. It is precisely because 
these Tai are intermediate or rather central, removed from Chi- 
nese, Cambodian, and Barman influence, that they might be expect- 
ed to retain the original race name. It is characteristic of the 
puzzle that it is they who disown it most stoutly. 

W ho were the first inhabitants of the country which we now call 
the Southern Shan Stales is very uncertain, but it is indisputable 
that the Tai came there much later than they did to the northern 
portion. The Burmese also extended their influence here very 
much earlier, and it would almost seem as if the Tai first came only 
after the disruption of the Kingdom of Nan Chao, that is to say, 
about tfie same time that the Kingdom of Siani came into exis- 
tence. The chronicles of Lawk Sawk and Lai Hka are the only 
Southern Shan histories of any length which it has been possible to 
obtain. They are written entirely from a Burman point of view, 
yet they seem to show that the Southern States only became im- 
portant and began to have a history when the Mao bhans became 
prominent and overran northern Burma. 

Of the southern group it is not necessary 10 say much. From 
an abstract point of view it would probably be better to class the 
Lao or Siamese Shans with the Lii and likiin, but politically 
the two sections are not and never have been connected. Whe- 
ther the Lao are the ancestors of the Siamese, and have yielded 
to them as the wealthier and more powerful possessors of the 
Mtjnam valley, or whether, as more likely, the Siamese established 
themselves separately and, when they gained strength and prosperity 
on the sea-board, began to extend their authority backwards on 
their line ol immigration, is a question of some interest, but it does 
not concern a Gazetteer of British possessions. The identity of the 
Siamese with the Lao as a race is undoubted, though they differ 
from them and the others more than the latter do from each other. 

The Pai-y, the Tho, thePhou-tay, Moi, and the Muoiig may con- 
tribute something to the history of the race, but so far we have little 
information about them. About Ssu-mao the whole country is re* 
ally governed by Tai Chiefs. The Chinese are found only in the 



towns and only in the chief of these. They divide the Tai into the 
Han Pai-y, those who live on firm ground or uplands ; and the Shui 
Pai-y, riverain or wet-bottom Tai, accordingly as they live on the 
hills or in the valleys. They also drag herrings across the trail by 
speaking of ' H6 Pai-y, black Shans, and Hoa Pai-y, streaky, parti- 
coloured, or speckled Shans, which names arise from differences of 
dress. Frenchmen have recorded that the Pai-y of Ssu-mao under- 
stand the Tho dialect of Lung-chao. It is also certam that they 
understand the Lu of Keng Hong. They have a written charac- 
ter, but whether this resembles more the Lu or the Mao, or is again 
different, there is nothing on record to determine. Neither, so far as 
the compiler knows, has any one made known what character the 
Tho and Muong use. In a note on the Tho of the province of 
Hung Hao in Tongking, we are told incidentally that they have 
36 letters in their alphabet and that " /fs /nots composes de sylla- 
" bes s'ecn'veni comme Ckriture europSenne mats verticaUmenf de 
haul en bas." At the same time the few words given are undoubt- 
edly Tai, approximating to the Lao form, thus: — 

Bo-my = Parents. 

Kin ngai = To eat rice. 

Kin nam = To drink water. 

Aft dau mi pha bo mi phau = There is betel and arecanut, 
but no lime. 

Mi p hue mi i>ha bo micaunon — There are mats and blan- 
kets, but tnere is no one sleeping. 

We have thus obtained a view of the Tai race as a whole and 
may proceed to a consideration of their histories and traditions as 
shown in such of their chronicles as are available. Before doing 
90, however, it will be well to consider their system of counting 
time, which is indeed not a little significant as to their origin. 

The Shans of British territory have adopted the Burmese era, 
both religious and civil, but this was not always 
^SUn cycle nr Hpfc the case. Formerly, like the Chinese Cam- 
bodians, Annamese, and, to a certain extent, the 
Siamese of the present day, they counted their time by cycles. 
Of these there are two : the small cycle and the great cycle. The 
former includes twelve years and the great cycle is made up of 
five small cycles and covers sixty years. Though this system has 
fallen out of general use and is quite unknown by many Shans, still 
it is frequently made use of in historical documents, and tho con- 
fusing of it with the era adopted from Burma leads to (he errors 
in dates, which are conspicuous in what Shan histories are avail- 


The Shans and the other Indo-Chinese races may be assumed 
to have learnt the system from the Chinese, who date the com- 
inencemenl of the sexagenary cycle from B. C. 2637 in the sixty- 
first year of Hwang-ti's reign. This Luh-shih-liwa Kia Tsu seems 
to have been perfectly arbitrary in every way, for no explanation 
now exists of the reasons which induced its inventor, Hwang-ti, 
or his minister, Nao the Great, to select this number. Dr. Williams 
in his book the Middle Kingdom thinks that it was not derived from 
the cycle of Jupiter of tlie Hindus, but that both Hindus and Chi- 
nese got it from the Chaldeans. The similarities are so striking as 
to indicate a common origin, but this is so remote that its genesis is 
a complete mystery, particularly since Prinsep (Indian Antiquities 
II, Useful Tables, page 159 et seg) thinks that the introduction of 
the system into India is of comparatively recent date, or about 
the year 965 A. D. In the Chmcse scheme there are ten so- 
called " stems " {Shih kan) and twelve *' branches " (Shih-erh chi), 
which are five times repeated. The twelve branches have the names 
of as many animals and the stems are combined in couplets to form 
multipliers to these. These two sets of horary characters are also 
applied to minutes and seconds, hours, days, and months, signs of 
the zodiac, points of the compass, and are also made to play an 
important part in divination and astrology. In the Cambodian, Lao, 
Annamese, and Siamese schemes the twelve branches are named, 
according to Gamier (\'oyage d' Exploration, I, page 93 and page 
466), after animals in the same way as the Chinese, but the animals 
are not all precisely the same, nor do they come in the same order. 
A comparative list stands thus: — 



Lno and 




Hii. Rat 



Rat, Ch'uat. 

Kwai wo ... 

Niu, Ox 


Tiger ... 

Ox. Ch'alu. 


Wei, Tieer 



Tiger, KSn. 

Pang-tai ... 

Fang, Hare 


Dragon .'... 

Hare, Tao, 




Kioh, Dr.-igon ... 
Yih. Snake 
Sing, Horse 

Dragun ... 





Grcal dragon, Marfing. 
LiUle dragon. Maseng. 
Horse, Mamia. 



Kwei, Goal ... 
Tsui, Monkey 
Mao, Cock 


Monkey ,., 

Monkey ... 



Goal, Marai. 
Monkey, Wawk. 
Cock, Rika. 


Sang mu ..., Dog 
Shih, Bear 




Dog. Chao. 
Pig. Kun. 




But Gamier does not show \n what way the twelve names are 
classified or multiplied in order to form a cycle with each of the 
sixty years bearing a separate name. Sir John Bowring, however, 
speaks of the Siamese cycle as composed of a fivefold repetition 
of the twelve names arranged in decades, the first commencing with 
the rat and ending with the cocJ^, the second beginning with the 
dog and ending with the goal, and so on regularly to the sixth 

This is shown in the following syn 

optical table 

: — 

Year of the rat ... 







Year of the ox 
Year of the tiger 










a u 



Year of the hare 













Year of the great dragon ... 









Year of the little dragon ... 











Year of ihe horse 







Year of the goal 








Year of the monkey 
Year of the cock 
Year of the dog 


k-o ^ 














■ « 





Year of the pig 







The present year 1897 is the year of the cock, the fortieth year 
of the fortieth cycle of the P'uti'a Sakarat, the sacred era, and the 
fifty-eighth year of the twentieth cycle of the Chula Sakarat, the 
civl] era. It may be added that ihe modern Siamese use the 
Bangkok era, in which 1897 is the year 115. 

The Chinese date for the same year is the thirty-third year of the 
seventy-sixth cycle, or the four thousand five hundred and thirty- 
third since its institution. Ney Elias, in his Sketch 0/ the History 
of t e Shans, gives the following table, but omits to say whether 
it was supplied to him in this form. He says: "it is noteworthy 
" also that the names used for the animals are nearly entirely the 
'* Laotian names and not those of their own (the Northern Shan) 
" language." He does not give his authority for this statement, 
which as a matter of fact is incorrect. The names given are, with 
allowances for double interpretation and running the ordeal of two 
ears, practically identical with those of the table commonly used 
in the Shan States, which is given below. 



Table ybr naming the years of the Shan cycle when the number is given, 
or numbering them when the name is given. 



















1 1 
























>5 1 








































'* The system," Ney Elias continues, " is doubtless the same as the 
Indian cycle of sixty or the ' Jovian cycle,' though this is not 
arranged in twelves and tens, but in a continuous list of sixty 
single appellations. Under the name of Vrihaspati Chakra this 
has been discussed and tabulated by Prinsep in the second volume 
of Indian Antiquities. Though he points out, what is obvious, 
that the small cycle of twelve — the so-called ' branches' of the 
Chinese — is in fact the true cycle of Jupiter (one revolution of 
Jupiter is really only about eleven years and ten months), he gives 
no explanation of the origin of ten ' stems' or multipliers. In 
his comparative table, the first year of the Indian list corresponds 
with the fourth of the Chinese,. and this Prinsep believes goes far 
to disprove the connection of the two systems ; but it is curious 
that some Brahmin astrologers at Mandalay, who were applied to 
for an explanation of the above Shan scheme, at once connected 
it with the Indian cycle by producing the following table, or 
transfer of the Shan into the Hindu cycle in every day use in 
India." The Sanskrit names as transliterated for Elias are almost 



identical with those given by Prinsep. The Shan names are not 
those of Ney Elias. but of the common Shan table. 




Hindu name. 


Kap Sau 




Lap Pao 


. . . 



Hai Yi 





M6ng Mao 


• .. 



P5k Hsi 





Kat Hsad 





Hkat Hsa-Dga 


. • - 



Hfing Mat 




Tao Hsan 










Kap Mit 





Lap Kau 





Hai Sau 

• •• 




M5ng Pao 










Kat Mao 





HkQt Hsi 





Hdng Hsaii 

■ .. 




Tao Hsa-nga 


.. ■ 




■ •. 




Kap Hsan 





Lap Hao 





Hai Mtt 




Mdng Kau 





P6k Sau 


• •■ 



Kat Pao 

. . ■ 




HkQt Yi 





HOng Mao 





Tao Hsi 

• .• 




Ka Hsaii 





Kap Hsa-nga 





Lap Mot 

■ t. 




Hai Hsan 





Mdng Hao 

■ • • 

• . • 



F5k Mit 





Kat Kad 


• * . 



HkQt Sad 

> >. 




Hang Pao 


■ • . 



Tao Yi 

• *. 

. • ■ 



Ka Mao 

.* • 




Kap Hsi 





Lap Hsau 





Hai Hsa-nga 






Shan name. 

Hindu name. ^^H 

Mong Mut 
Pok Hsan 
Kat Haa 
Hkot Mit 
Hung Kau 
Tao tJau 

Ka Pao 
Kap Yi 
Lap Mao 

Hai Hsi 
M5ng Hsaii 
Pok Hsa-nga 
Kat Mut 
Hkut Hsan 
Hong Hao 
Tar> Mit 
Ka Kau 

Sadharona. ^^^M 
Virudhi-Krita. ^^^| 
Paridharbi. ^^H 
Promnrthi. ^^H 
Anangda. ^^H 
Rak-Kliyosa. ^^H 

Pinga)a. ^^^^ 
Kalyukla. ^^H 
Sidharthi. ^^M 
Rudra. ^H 

Dundhubhi. ^^H 
Rudhirud'Gari. ^^H 
Kaktak-kha. ^^H 
Krudhana. ^^H 
Akhyaya. ^^^| 

^1 No trace of a serial numbering of the sexagenary periods seems 
^M to have been found in Chinese writings any more than a reason why 
^B the period of sixty years was selected. U is therefore toe much to 
^M expect that the Shan books should be more methodical. If the 
^H number of the cycle and the name of any particular year were given, 
^M it would be an easy matter 10 identify the date, but the omission of 
^B both leaves a wide margin for conjecture and has led to the errors 
^M in chronology and the repetition ol the same historical fact in suc- 
^H cessive centuries which Mr. Parker has detected in Sir Arthur 
^H Phayre's History of Burma. Before a date can be (ixed from the 
^B Shan annals it is necessary to determine some starting: point which 
^H will fit the cycle chronology into our calendar. Fortunately this is 
^B possible in several instances. The particular event chosen by Ney 
^H tlias as sufficiently well-marked for his purpose is singularly enough 
^B the very story seized upon by Mr. Parker to prove that "the Mani- 
^H " pur chronicle is exactly a century wrong," and that Sir Arthur 
^H Pnayre repeats the same story at intervals of a century, the later 
^H date being correct. This is the flight of the Chau Ngan-phaKing 
^H of Mong Mao according to Ney Elias; Tho-ngan-bwa, Sawbiva 
^B of Mogaung according to Sir Arthur Phayre ; Sz-jt-n-fah, Sawbwa 
^H of Luh-ch'wan according to Mr. Parker. The Shan form would be 
^B Sao Ngan Hpa. This chieftain fought with the Chinese and was 
^H defeated. He then fled to Ava and was followed by the Chinese, 
^H who demanded his surrender from the King of Burma. Before he 
^H could be given up^ the SawOwa poisoned himself and his body was 



given to the Chinese General, who dried it in the sun and carried 
it back to Yunnan. Now this story is told first in Elias' Shan 
History of Mong Mao, where the date of Chau-ngan-pha*s death 
is placed in a certain year of a certain unnamed and unnumbered 
cycle ; secondly, the Burmese annals chronicle the circumstance 
under the year 1 444 A D. ; thirdly, in Dcmailla's History of China 
precisely the same event is recorded as having occurred in 1448 
A. D. i and finally Mr. Parker translates it from the Momien annals, 
but does not give any definite year farther than that " the whole 
story belongs to the period 1432 — M5*^*" 

From this coincidence of independent annals it is possible to fix 
the cycle of the Shan year named and the number in that cycle. 
Thus a starting point is obtained. It is not a little singular that 
the same incident should furnish us with the means of comparing 
Chinese and Burmese forms of transliterating Shan names and 
should also demonstrate that the term " Kingdom of Pong," which 
has been so long an unsolved riddle, is apparently a generic rather 
than a particular name and was applied, or was applicable, to 
whatever Shan principality happened for the time to be most power- 
ful or most prominent, no matter what its special name might be. 

Ney EHas confirms this determination of date by reference to 
the conquest of Wehsali, or Upper Assam, by the Samlung-pha 
mentioned in his histories of Mong Mao and Mogaung. This 
person is the Hkun Sam Long of the Hsen Wi chronicle, and was 
brother of the Sawbwa Hso Hkan Hpa, who is Elias' Chau-kwam- 
pha and Pemberton's Soogampha. The cycle date for Sara LOng's 
conquest of Assam is given in the Shan chronicles. P'our or five 
years later a relative named Chau-ka-pha (Sao Ka) was Establish- 
ed as first Sawbzaa of the newly conquered territory. " And we 
" know from independent modern .'\ssamese sources that the date of 
" Chau-ka-pha's accession is 1 229 A,l).j and that it is probably cor- 
"rect or nearly so to within a year or two. The event is not only 
'* one of the most conspicuous in the history of Mong Mao and of its 
" dependency, Mogaung, but with the Assamese it holds a corre- 
" sponding position to the Norman conquest in the History o( Eng- 
" land, and serves the purely Ahom race m Assam as a starting point 
" from which to date their entire history ; for these people first mi- 
" grated to that country at the time of Sam-lung- pha's invasion. 
" (The fact that they have since entirely disappeared or have 
" coalesced with the conquered Hindu population does not affect the 
'* history.) Until the reign of King Gaurinath Singh{ 1 780 to 1 795) 
" the Assamese annals had been very impei fectly kept, but that king 
" caused a commission of Nora astronomers and other learned per- 
" sons to be deputed to Mogaung to examine the histories of their 


"race in possession of the Shan Buddhist priests of that place, and 
" to verify the books (or traditions) brought into the country by 
" Chau-ka-pha. The examination completed, this commission re- 
"wToie the Ahom history in Assamese, and extended it backwards 
"from Sam-lung-pha's conquest of Assam to the founding of the 
" first Shan capital on ihe Shweli river, and, in doing so, happily 
" made two statements, either of which, like the above story of Chau- 
" ngan-pha, would in itself be sufficient to identify a cycle as a start- 
" ing point. The first statement is that they, the astronomers and 
" others, having calculated (he dales, &c., fmd that eleven TaoNso' 
" ngas (so the cycle is called) elapsed between the descent from 
" heaven of the founders of the city on the Shweli to the accession 
" of Chau-ka-pha as King of Upper Assam ; the second is an inci- 
" dental remark that ihe Burmese commenced their national era with 
" the reign of the Mao King Ai-dyep-that-pha Now, if eleven 
" Tiiohsa-ngas, or six hundred and sixty years, be subtracted from 
" the date, r2 29 A. D.. the year of Chau-ka-pha*s accession, we arrive 
"at 569 A. D., or within one year of the dale that would be shown by 
"subtracting theaggregate of the reigns from the date of Chau- 
" ngan-pha's death. Again, the reign of Ai-dyep-that-pha is stated 
" by the Shans to have commenced in the seventieth year after the 
" foundation of Mung-ri-niunT-ram (the Mong Hi and Mong Ham 
" on the M^khong of the Hsen \Vi Chronicle), which would give 56S 
" -f 70 or 638 A.D. as the year usually assumed for the commence- 
" ment of the Burmese national era." 

When the starting point U thus obtained, the dales can easily be 
fixed, for the length of each Sawbtva's reign is carefully preserved 
and forms the main basis for reckoning the dates. Comparison wiih 
the Burmese calendar is also an assistance, as are the Chinese 
dates, though the former is uncertain owing to the interference 
with the calendar of various kings for superstitious or ambitious 
reasons ; and the latter because of the arrogant Chinese fashion of 
ignoring Burmese and Shan titles and using surnames which they 
mangled, or inventing family names such as never have existed 
either among Burmans or Shans. The Chinese Emperors, whose 
real names were also tabooed, and who used reign styles just as the 
Popes do, always affected to believe that the writers of letters from 
tributary States — and they considered all the world tributaries — 
used only their family and personal names. When they knew 
these they used them. Thus Sin-byu-shln is known as Miing Yiin, 
that is to say, Maung Waing, and Tharrawaddi is referred to as 
Meng K'eng, Maung Hkin. When they did not know tliem, they 
devised wild travesties which stood for " family names," 



The Tat cycle calendar, or Hp^ IVan, is no longer used in any 
part of the British Shan States. It appears in old histories of 
Hsen \Vi and the Northern Shan Stales, but is never used in the 
southern chronicles. The Shan-Chinese may use it, but this is not 
known for a fact. As a means of calculating lucky days, working 
out horo-copes, and divination generally, it is, however, the text- 
book of Shan diviners, as it is ^^•ith the Chinese. Details of it in 
this form are given in a later chapter. 

The late Mr. Ney Ellas, in his Introductory Sketch of the 
J. History of the Shans, was the first to gather 

'^ °^' together details about the country which is 

now definitely known as the Shan States. He had the advantage 
of visiting the northern part of the country, that of the Tai Lung, the 
great Shans, before the perpetual civil war of the latter days of 
Burmese rule had destroyed practically every ancient record in 
every part of the British Shan States. He compared the manu- 
scripts he obtained wiih what earlier information was available from 
Major Boileau Pcmberion's account of the Kingdom of Pong de- 
rived front a Manipur Shan Chronicle {Report on the Eastern Fron- 
tier of British India, Calcutta, 1835) and with this he collated 
details noted by Dr. Richardson, Colonel Hannay, Dr. Anderson, 
and others in various scattered journals and papers. 

Unfortunately Elias's notes were collected for him by "a well- 
read Hindu moonshee," whose capacity for catching Shan names 
and committing them to paper afterwards was not on the same level 
with his reading. It does not appear that Ellas obtained actual 
possession of the manuscripts, but in any case what he gives in his 
pamphlet is compiled from the moonshee 's notes. He describes 
the process as follows : — 

"I engaged him to give me verbal rxtracis of historical notes con- 
cerning the Shaos id Englisli, omitting the fabulous portions, and also to 
fill up the many voids they then contained, hy cousuhing the Shan priests 
resident at Mandalay and others who had a knowledge of ih^ir books. In 
this way not only were several Shan histories put under contribution, but 
a number of Byrmese translations of Siian books were examined and their 
contents made available either as criginal material, or as Lhc means of 
rectifying uncertain [joints derived from the more direct sources, while 
native Burmese and Assamrse works were also utilized for reconciling 
doubtful dales, or events with well-ascertained historical facts in the an- 
nals of those conntries. Thus the story is not a translatiou of any par- 
ticular work, but an outline sketched from a variety of sources," 

It is greatly to be regretted that Elias did not give the trans- 
lations separately, so that the different sources of information might 
be ascertained, h Is ai any rale certain that the various names 



were a good deal tortured from the Shan form both by the Bur- 
mese translators and by the moonshee. In the following extract 
therefore the names have been restored, wherever it is possible, to 
their Shan form. In what Ellas calls " the story of Mung-mau " he 
believes that he has identified that now-a-days insignificant Shan- 
Chlnese State with Kawsampi and the Kingdom of P6ng. As we 
have seen, this appears more than doubtful. 

Though the Mao Shans trace their existence as a nation to 
the fabulous and comparatively recent source of the heaven- 
descended Kings Hkun Lu and Hkun Lai, as will be seen below, still 
as a race they appear from the Burmese books to have a legend 
assigning their origin to the earliest period of Burmese history and 
indeed to a common parentage with the latter people. That this 
is not an original tradition of their race, but one imported in the 
course of Buddhist teachings, there can be little doubt ; but it is re- 
markable that no other appears to exist either in their own or Burmese 
writings (the researches of Mr. E. H. Parker given below supply 
much from the Chinese). The legend is probably the one briefly 
referred to in the opening lines of Cap. II of Vule's Afission to Ava 
and of which the author jusUy remarks that it is one *' of equal 
'* value and like invention to that which deduced the Romans from 
" the migrations of the pious JEneas, the ancient Britons from Brut, 
" the Trojan, and the Gael from Scota, daughter of Pharoah." 

The following epitome is from the Burmese Tagaung Yasa* 

"About three hundred years before the birth of Gautama, or 923 B.C., 
and 1491 years before the descent of Hkun Lu and Hkun Lai, a Sakya 
prince called A!'hi Rajah arrived from Kapilavastu by way of Arakan 
and foundt:d the city of Pagan, called Chindwe in some accounts, on the 
left bank of the Irrawaddy. He had two sons whose Burmese names are 
Kangyi and Kanng6, and at his death the forriier retired to Arakan and 
became king of that country, whilst Kanngfe succeeded his father at Pagan, 
and in his turn was succeeded by thirty-one of his lineal descendants, 
whose names are given in the Burmese record, but no dates. The last of 
these, nr the thirty^-third from Abhi kaia, was one Beinaka (the Shan 
Peng Naka of the Ong Pawcig Hsi Paw Chronicle, given elsewhere in this 
work) which may be consulted as a variant), who reigned roughly speaking 
about the commencement of the religious era, or partly during Gaudama's 
lifetime. In the course of Beioaka's reign a Chinese army (as we have 
seen. It seems practically certain that this army was Tai, not Chinese) 
invaded his country, captured Pagan, destroyed it, and obliged him to take 
refuge at Male on the right bank of the Irrawaddy and nearly opposite 
the present ruins of Lower Sabiinago (Champa Nagara). Here hcshortly 
afterwards died and his people became broken up into three divisions. 
One of these remained at Male under Beioaka's Queen, Naga S£ng, a 
second wandered towards the south and was absorbed by the Pyu, a sec- 



tion of the Burmese proper (the name is of Chinese origin), while the third 
migrated eastward and became Shans, forming the nineteen original Shan 
districts or States. 

*' Of these districts or States, no names are given, and probably the 
number is an imaginative one; but it is remarkable that the legend of 
the Pwons (of whom some, under the name of Hp6n, still live in the third 
or upper defile of the Irrawaddy), derived from an eniirely different and 
original source, carries us back to this same evcnt^ — the first fall of Old 
Pagan. These people pretend that they arc desceudauts of the elephant 
drivers, whom the Chinese (? Tai) conquerors pressed into their service to 
conduct the elephants captured In the city back to China ; that they escap- 
ed thence and wandered westward to the third defile {Kyaukdmn) of the 
Irrawaddy, where they are still settled. 

" After the Chinese had retired from Pagan, one Dhaja Raja, another 
prince of Kapilavastu, came from India, married the widow Naga Seng, and 
rebuilt the capital immediately beyond the north wail of the old city. This 
was the Tagaung of the Burmese and the lungKungof the Shans, and 
the date of Us foundation given by the Burmese is the twentieth year of 
the year of religion (523 B.C.) and by the Shans the twenty-fourth year 
(519 B.C). After this there are no dates, or numbers of generations, re- 
corded with any certainty, but Uhaja Raja's dynasty appears to have 
ruled at Tagaung until Hkun Lu displaced it and put his son Ai llkun Lu 
on the throne at some date probably within one generation posterior to the 
year 568A.D,, if indeed it occurred at all." 

It seems very probable that all this has been taken by the 
Shan chronicle from the Burmese Afaha Yasawi^i. Elias con- 
tinues : — 

" It is, however, with the Mao Shans rather than with Tagaung thit 
we are concerned, so let ns pass on at once to their earliest national 
legend, which is told in alt the Shan histories with apparently little vari- 
ation, thus — 

"In the year of Religion 1 1 1 1, or 568A.D,, two sons of the gods, named 
Hkun Lu and Hkun Lai, descended from heaven by a golden ladder and 
alighted in the valley of the Shweli river. They were accompanied by 
two ministers Hkun Tun and Hkun Hpun, one of whom was descended 
from the sun and the other from the moon ; they were also attended by an 
astrologer descended from the family of Jupiter and by a number of 
other mythical personages. On arriving at the earth they found men 
who immediately submitted to them as rulers sent from the gods, while 
one of the mortals callea Laun-gu (this suggests the Chinese name 
Laongu or Lao Wu) or Sao Tikan offered to become the servant of the two 
brothers. Before leaving heaven, the god Tiing Hkam had given tlicm a 
cock and a knife and had enjoined them, immediately on arriving on the 
earth, to kill the cock with the knife and to offer up prayers to him at the 
same time ; when the ceremony %vas over, they were to eat the head of the 
bird themselves and give the body to their ministers and attendants. It 
was found, however, that by some mistake the cnck and the knife had beea 
left behind and Laun-gu was sent to heaven to bring them down. He went 
and returned with both, but reported that the god Tijng Hkam, being augry 



with the brothers for their carelessness in leaving these things behind, 
had sent a message that after duly sacrificing the cock, the brothers were 
to eat a portion of the body only and give the rest to their attendants. 
In this way Laun-gu managed to secure for himself the head. He then 
asked the brothers to confer upon him some reward for the service he had 
rendered in regaining the sacrificial objects from heaven, and they gave 
him the country of Mithila to govern. (This is the Pali or classical name 
for Mong Hk&, which is properly speaking Yimnati only and not all China. 
VVideharit or Vidcha, a name alsi? given to Yunnan, is another title for the 
ancient Mithila or Mcitilla.) Having eaten the head of the cock, he became 
a wise and powerful Chinese ruler> while the heaven-descended brothers, 
having eaten of the body, remained ignorant Mao Shans. 

" Laun-gu, on arriving in Mithila. founded the capital Mting Ky& 
(this is no doubt Miing S& LAng, which is the name by which the Shans 
know Yunnan-sen, thf. residence of the modern viceroy, or Governor- 
General of Yiin-kuei, t,e., the two provinces of Yilnnan and Kuei-chao) and 
commenced his rule in 568A.D. He died after sixty years reign in 628 and 
was succeeded by his son Sao Pu, wlio also reigned sixty years and was 
followed in his turn by his son Hsak-ka in 688 (the term of sixty years 
appears so often in these traditionary writings that it suggests the idea of 
being merely indicative of a considerable length of time and of meaning 
about a cycle). This last with his lineal descendants, it is stated, ruled 
for two hundred years, when a relation (of the same race} named Fwei-No- 
Ngan-Maing (it is difhcult to make anything of tins name) succeeded to 
the throne and. together with his descendants, retained it for one hundred 
and fifty years, or to A. D. 1038. Farther than this the Shan records do 
not follow Laun-gti rth'as Sao Ti Kan. (It may be noted that this is roughly 
speaking the time of .\nawra-hta, the conquering king of Pagan.) 

*' Shortly after their descent to earth Hkun I^u and Hkun Lai qaarrelled 
on the subject of precedence and the former determined to abandon his 
claim to the kingdom in the Shweli valley and to found a new one for him- 
self. With this view he packed the two images of his ancestors, one male 
called Sung and one female called Seng, into a box, and started towards 
the west, carrying the box upon his htad. He crossed the Irrawaddy and 
shortly afterwards arrived at a place near the Uyu river, a tributary of the 
Chindwin, where he established himself and founded a city called Mdng 
KOiig Moug-Yawiig (this is no doubt the disLrict of, and round about, the 
present Singkaling Hk:unti) whence he sent forth his sons or. relations to 
become rulers of neighbouring States. Of these there appear to have been 
seven, but whether sons or not is uncertain : however, it is of little impor- 
tance, as from the following list it will be seen that this part of the record 
has hardly yet emerged from the domain of fable. (With this may be 
compared the story of the Hsen Wi chronicle, which i? given below, of the 
five brothers who came from the Mfehkong from Mflng Hi, M6ng Ham, 
which appear to be Elias's Mung-ri Mung-ram.) 

Distribution of Hkun Lu's posterity {i.e., his seven sons or descendants). 

I. Ai Hkun Lung ... King of Tung Kung or Tagaung. 
3. Hkun Hpa ... King of Mong Yar.g (Mohnyin). He paid a tribute 

of a large number ('* ten lakhs") of horses. 



3, Hkun Ngu ,,. King of Lamung-Tai, i.e., La B6Qg near Chicng- 

niai. He paid a yearly tribute of three hund- 
red elephants 

4. Hkun Kawt Hpa ... King of Vnn LAn or Mting Yawng (probably 

Garnier's MSng Yong, the former capital of Keog 
Cheng, the Cis-jM&khong portion of which is now 
annexed to Keng Tung). Yearly tribute, a 
(juantity of gold, 
g. Hkun La ... King of Mong Kala or Kale on the right bank of 

(he Chindwin above Mingin. Tribute, water 
from the Chindwin river. 

6. Hkun Hsa ... King of Ava [sic), but probably Mfing Mit is 

meant, since a ruby mine is said to have exist- 
ed at his capital. Tribute 2 viss (about 7 pounds 
weight) of rubies yearly. 

7. Hkun Su ... King of MOng Yawng on or near the Uyu river, 

where bis father Hkun Lu had also reigned. 

Hkun Su reigned for 25 ycirs from 6o3 to 633 A. D. 
Sao Hsen Sau, .1 son, reigrvcd for ig years from 633 to 652 A. D. 
Sao Hkun Kyaw, a «>n, reig^ned for 15 jears ironi 653 to 667 A. D. 
Sao Hkun Kyun. a son, reigned for 1 1 years from 667 to 6;8 A. D. 

" During the reign of this last, his son Hkam Pdng Hpa went to reside 
at Mong Ri NfSng Ram, and afterwards reigned there as king of Mcing 
Mao. [The M^'Jng Ham, wliich this would appear to be, is still one of the 
XII Fauna of Keng Hung (ChSIi.)] 

"Thus Hkun Lu and his posterity reigned at Mong K6ng MBng Yawng 
for one hundred and ten years, and meanwhile Hkun Lai had founded a 
capital called Mong Ri Mong Ram at a short distance from the left bank 
of the Shwcli, and supposed to be some 8 or 9 miles to the eastward of 
the present city of Mcing Mao, [Here Ney Elias was probably misled. 
See the Hsen Wi Chronicle below.] Here lie reigned for seventy years 
and was succeeded by his son Ai Hlep Htat Hpa, who ruled for forty 
years, but who died without issue in 67S A. D. and consequently in the 
fortieth year of the Burmese era. The son of Sao Hkun Kyun, mentioned 
in the above list, was then created king, and in his person Hkun Lu's line 
became supreme among the Mao. The length of his reign is not known, 
hut he was followed by his son, during whose rule the capitil Miing Ri Mong 
Ram declined and became of secondary importance to the town of Ma- 
Kao Mong LAng, which was situated on the right bank of the river and 
believed to be some 6 or 7 miles west of the capital. This king was 
succeeded by hJs younger brother, Hkam Hsip Hpa, who ascended the 
throne in 703 A. D. and established his court at Ma-kao M5ng L6ng, thus 
finally abandoning Mong Ri Mong Ram. [Un this Elias has the following 
note: — *' See Hannay {Sketch 0/ Singphos, &.C., 1847, page 54), where the 
name of Kai Khao Mau Loung, the great and splendid city, is given as the 
capital of the PAng kingdom on the Shweli. The name Mau is significant, 
though my informants make it Mung. At page 55 Hannav gives Moong 
Khao Loung as the old name for the present Mogaung ; in both these khao 
probably means city." Want of knowledge of Shan led to this error. Ktto 
means old ; M. Kao, M. L6ng means simply " the old (or former) city, the 



great city." U is unwise to make definite assertions, but it may be sug- 
gested that " the old capital " may be either the Hsen S6 Man S6 of the 
Hscn Wi Chronicle or Ta-H Fu, the capital of Nanchao^ 

" During the. next Ihrec hundred and thirty-two years Hkam Hsip Hpa 
and his descendants appear to have reigned in regular succession, while 
nothing worth recording is to be found during the whole of this period. 
The succession, however, was broken at the death of Sao I,ep Hpa in 1035, 
and a relation of the race of Tai F6ng of Y6n L6n [vide suprn) was placed 
on the throne in that year. He was called Hktin Kawt Hpa and signalized 
the change in the accession by establisliing a new capital, called Cheila 
(the modern S& Lan), on the left bank of the Shweli and immediately op- 
posite ' Ma-kau Mong L6ng.' He is also said to have incorporated Bhaino 
with his dominions. 

" At this time the dominant power in all these regions was that of the 
king of New Pagan, Anawra-hta, and in the history of MOng Mao it is 
recorded that Hkun Kawt Hpa's son and successor gave his daughter in 
marriage to the Pagan monarch, thus almost inipiying that he acknowledged 
him as liege lord, though it is also stated that he never went to the Pagan 
court as a true vassal must have done. But, however this may have been 
during Aiiawra-hta's lifetimej certainly the succeeding kings of Mao were 
entirely independent, and they appear to have reigned in peace and on- 
broken succession until the death of (Pam) Yao PAag in A. I). 1210, when 
a third influx of Hkun Lu's posterity occurred in the person of Sao (Ai- 
mo) Hkam N«--ng, of the race of Hknn Su of Miing Kong Mong Yawng. 
And it is remarkable that this new influx took place while Yao Pong's 
younger brother was actually in power in the neighbouring State of M6ng 
Mit, where he had just previously founded the capital and commenced an 
almost independent reign. 

*' Sao Hkam Neng reigned for ten years and had two sonSj Sao Hkan 
Hpa (the Sookampha of Pemberton) and Sam l>6ng Kycm-moiig, or Sam 
L6ng Hpa, the latter perhaps the most remarkable personage in the Mao 
history. The first succeeded to the throne oE .Mong Mao at the death of 
his father in 1220 A. D., but Sam L6ng Hpa had already five years previ- 
ously become Satvbva of Mftng Kawng or Mogaung, where he had es- 
tablished a city on the banks of the Nam Kawng, and had laid the foun- 
dation of a new line of Sawhvsas, tributary only to the kingvj of Mao. He 
apptars to have been essentially a soldier and to have undertaken a series 
of campaigns under his brother's direction, or perhaps as Commander-in- 
Chief of his army (this is the position given hira in the Hsen Wi Chronicle). 
The first of these campaigns began by an expedition into Mithila, when he 
conquered Mong Ti (Nan Tien), Momien iT^ng-Yiieh), and Wan Chang 
(Yung-chang), and from thence extended his operations towards the south, 
Kong Ma, Mong Mting, Keng Hung (Chclij, Keng Tung, and other smaller 
States, each in turn falling under the Mao yoke. With Hsen Wi an amic- 
able arrangement was come to, in virtue of which the Sawdwa of that State 
became so far a vassal as to engage to send a princess periodically to the 
harem of the Mao king. 

" Immediately on Sam L6ng Hpa's return to Mong Mao he was ordered 
away on a second expedition to the west, and on this occasion crossed the 
Cbindwia river and overran a great portion of Arakan, laying the capital 



in ruins and establishing his brother's supremacy in a number of towns on 
and beyond the right bank of the Chtndwtn. 

'*A third expedition was then undertaken to Manipur with similar suc- 
cess to the two last, and ai;ain a fourth to Upper Assam, where he con- 
2uercd the greater portion of the territory then under the sway of the 
'hutya or Sutya kings. 

" While on his return frnm this rxpedition Sao Hkan Hpa, being jealous 
or fearful of his brother's influence, decided to put him to death, and with 
this end in view left his capital on the Shweli and proceeded to meet him 
at Mong Pel Hkam on the Taping river (which Elias identities with 
Mentha near Old Hhamo]. A great ovation was given to the successful 
general, but after the lapse of some time, according to the most trust- 
worthy account, liis brother succeeded in poisoning him, or, according to 
another account, he failed in the attempt, and San Long Hpa made good 
his escape to China. 

" This was probably the period of greatest extension reached by the 
Mao Kingdom, and certainly, if their own account be accepted, their 
country now formed a very respectable dominion. The following is the list 

fiven by the Shan hisloriaus of the States under the sovereignty of the 
lao Kings immediately subsequent to Sam Long Hpa's conquests, but a 
mere glance at the name of some of them, such as Arakaii, Tali, &c., will 
show it to be greatly exaggerated, though it is possible that at one time or 
another some portion of all the places named may have fallen under their 
power :— - 

(i) M5Dg Mit, comprising seven mongs, namely, Bhamo, MoUi, 
(this suggests the Mol6 river, or it may be Mdng Lai), Mong 
L6ng, Ong Pawng llsipaw [these are the same place), Hsum 
Hsai, Sung-ko (Singu), fagaung. 

Mong Kawng or NIogaung, comprising ninety-nine Mdngs, 
among which the following were the most important,— Mdng 
L6ng (Assam), Kahse (Manipur). part of Arakan, the Yaw 
country, Kale, Hsawng Hsup, Mong Kong M5ng Yawng; 
MQng Kawn (in the Hukawng valley), Singkaling Hkamti, 
M5ng Li (Hkamli Long), Mong Yang (Mohnyin), M6t Sho 
Bo (Shwebo), Kunung-Kumun (the Mishmi country), Hkang 
S6 (the Naga country), &c. 
Hsen Wi comprising forty-nine mongs. 

(4} Miing Nai. 

(5) Kfing Ma. 

(6) Keng Hsen, the present Siamese province of Chicng Hsen on 
the AU-kbong. 

(7) Lan Sang (the Burmese Linzin). This is no doubt the princi- 
pal ity which had at different periods Wing Chan (Viengchan) and 
Luang Prabang for its capital : the Chinese Lan-tsiang. 


YAn (Chiengmai and neighbouring States). 

(10) Keng Lfing, probably Keng Hung, the XII Panna, called by the 
Chinese Ch'fih. 

(11) Keng Lawng, said to be the country north of Ayuthia, where 
there are many ruined capitals. 






(12) Mdng Lem. 

(13) Tai Lai, possibly Ta-H Fu. 
(141 Wan Chang (Yung-cbang). 
(15) The Palaunjj country Tawng Peng Loi Ldng. 
(lO) Sang-Iipo (the Kachin country). 
(r;) The Karen country. 

(18) Lawaik. 

(19) Lapyit. 

(20) Lamu, which are not easily to be identified. 

(21) Lahkeng (Arakan, meaning probably that portion not under 
Mong Kawng, Mogaung). 

(22) Lang-sap (?). 

(23) Ayuthia (Siam). 
{24) Htawc (Tavoy). 

■ {25) Yunsaleng. 

[This may be compared with the list in the Hsen Wi Chronicle, where 
the claims are even more extensive]. 

" During the two reigns following that of Sao Hkan Hpa, the capital of 
Mong Mao remained ai Sfe Lan, or at the opposite town of * Ma-kau Mung 
Lung' {vide suf>ra), hut \n i285one Sao Wak Hpa became king and, though 
apparently of unbroken lineal descent, a new capital was founded called 
simply by the name of the country Mong Mao and situated, so far as can 
be ascertained, on the site of the present town of MOng Mao — certainly 
this is the last chang»". of capital recorded. 

" Sao Wak Hpa died after a reign of thirty years in 131 5, and for nine 
years subsequently the throne of MOng Mao was vacant. Eventually, how- 
ever, a natural son named Ai Puk was elected to fill it, but he proved pro- 
fligate and incompetent to discharge the duties of a ruler, and after six 
years was deposed by the mintsterb, when a second period of nine years 
eusued, during which no king could be found to assume the direction of 
aJTairs. (The Hscn Wi Chronicle covers thr same ground and gives a clearer 
idea of the transitory nature of the hegemony of any single Shan State.) 

"Eventually in 1339 a relative of Sao Wak Hpa named Sao Ki Hpa, 
otherwise known as Tai r*6ng (there is almost certainly some confusion 
here, which cannot be unravelled since Eiias does not discriminate Bur- 
mese details from Stian, or manuscript information from that obtained by 
word of mouth) was crowned, and with him an era of wars with China ap- 
pears to have commenced, which was destined finally to end in the fall of the 
Mao Kings as independent sovereigns (the Chinese had now consolidated 
their power in Ta-H and were pressing westwards). 

"The first record of Chinese invasion is an unimportant one and merely 
states that in the fifth year of Sao Ki Hpa's reign {Pok Hsa-nga 55 = 705 
B. E. = 1343A. D.) au army arrived in Mao territory from Mithila for the 
purpose of reconuoitring, but that no fighting ensued. The next occasion 
was just fifty years subsequently, during the reign of Sao Ki Hpa's son Tai 
Long, when a Chinese force appeared and attempted the conquest of the 
country ; it was defeated, however, by the Sbaus and returued after suffer- 
ing great losses. 

" Tai LAng, after a reign of fifty, was succeeded by his son Sao Tit 
Hpa, or Tao Loi^ as be was also called^ who appears to have carried od 



certain negotiations with the Chinese during the early part of his reign, and 
in the sixteeuth year of it {Hai-yi 3 = 773B. E. = 141 1 A. D.) to have 
gone on a visit to the fiovernor of Yunnan. The Shan history indeed 
chronicles that he went to Mong Hke, the capita) of Mithila, to consult with 
the Emperor and that during au interview with the latter, Jn which he was 
accompanied by his son Sao Xgan Hpa, he was given a cup of spirit to 
drink, which so completely intoxicated him that the Emperor, at the insti- 
gation of a minister named Maw Pi, obtained from him the royal seal and 
thus rendered his country tributary. (The capital referred to was no doubt 
yiinnan-SFn and the \V6ng Ti. the Governor*General of che Province, not 
the Emperor, who then lived in Nan-King.) in Piik-hsi ^,ot two ye.irs 
after this event. S-io Tit Hpa returned to Mong Mao, and in the next year 
a party of 130 mules came down from China. Each mule was loaded with 
silver cut into small pieces, and on arriving in the neighbourhood of the 
capital, those in charge led them into the bamboo jungle that surrounded 
the city, and scattered the silver among the trues. The party then return- 
ed to China, and the inhabitants of Mciag Mao cut down the jungle 10 order 
to find the silver. The sequel of this story is not given, but the inference 
is that the ruse was practised by the Chinese to clear the environs of the 
city of the jungle in order to attack it tlie more easily. 

" In the following year Sao Tit Hpa died and was succeeded by his son 
Sao Ngan Hpa, the events attending the latter part of whose reign are well 
known from Burmese history. He bad two brothers named Sao Hsi Hpa 
and Sao Hung Hpa, with whose assistance he invaded and subdued the 
Shan States to the cast aud south-east of his country and then marched on 
to Tai Lai, which State he also conquered. Here he was reinforced by 
the armies of all the Chiefs he had subdued so far and decided with this 
enormous host [it was tallied by each man dropping ono. ywe seed {Abrus 
precatorius) into a basket and four baskets full were gathered up] to at- 
tempt the conquest of Mithila. He started accojdingly from Tai Lai, but 
was met by a Chinese force under the walls of the capital, MongSfe (Yunnan- 
sen), and was defeated; he then fell back first on Tai Lai, afterwards on 
Wan-Chang (Yung-chan^), aud eventually retired into Mao territory, fol- 
lowed by the inhabitants of all the places he had subdued, who preferred 
to cast in their lot with his, rather than endure the vengeance of the 
Cbineae. Ou arriving near his capital, he found the inhabitants panic- 
stricken and flying to Ayuthia and in many other directions; his army 
broke up and joined in the flight, wliilst he himself, accompanied by his 
brother Sao Hsi Hpa (Sao Hiing Hpa had died just previously) sought 
an asylum at Ava. 'J'he Chinese tollowcd, however, took up a position 
north of the city of Ava, and demanded the surrender of Sao Ngan Hpa from 
the Burmese King. The latter replied that one of his nobles called Min 
Ngfe Kyaw Dwin was in rebellion at Yamfithin and thai, if the Chinese 
commander would first subdue aud bring this rebellious noble to the capital, 
he would deliver to him the Mao King. The Chinese general consented 
and despatched a portion of his army to Yamelhiti. 'I he place was sur- 
rounded and Min Ngfi Kyaw Du-in captured and brought into Ava, but on 
hearing of his arrival Sao Ngan Hpa, finding his end inevitable, took poi- 
son and died. His body nevertheless was given up to the Chinese Com- 
mander, who had it disembowelled and dried in the sun, and immediately 
afterwards returned with it to Yunnan (B. E. 807 = 1445 A. D.). [This story 
is discussed later id the tight of Mr. Parker's Chinese researches.] 



" Sao Hsi Hpa was then placed on the throne of Miing Kawng and Sao 
Ngan Hpa's qneen went at the same time tn Hkamti with her two child- 
ren, Sao Hung aged ten and Sao Hup aged two. On arriva! there a third, 
named Sao Put, was born, and one of these three became Saicbwa of Hkara- 

"For three years after Sao Ngan Hpa's death Mong Mao was again 
without a king, but at the end of that time an uncle, or the descendant of 
an uncle of Sao VVak Hpa, called Sao Lam KAn Hkani Hpa, and nearest 
remaining relative to Sao Ngan Hpa, was placed on the throne [Hai-saii 
40=1448). In the fourth year of his reign a large force from China in- 
vaded his country, defeated his troopn* and compelled him to take flight or 
seek a refuge with the Burmese at Ava. After five years of exile he re- 
turned to his country and died in Hai-kii 53 = 1461 A. D. He was suc- 
ceeded ID the same year by his son Sao H6ni Hpa, who was assailed almost 
immediately on his accession by a Chinese army of great strength, which, 
however, he defeated and drove back within the border of their country 
after 18 days of continued fighting. But al a later period of his reign 
(about 1479 '^' ^■) 'he Chinese returned and this time routed the Mao 
Shans, and Sao Horn Hpa, like his predecessor, fled to Ava for protection. 
After four years he returned to his capital and seven years later died there. 
His death, however, did not terminate the wars with China, for in the sixth 
year of the reign of his son and successor Sao Ka Hpa (1495 A. D.) the 
enemy again came down in force and invaded the Mao territory. Some 
fighting occurred, of which no particulars are given further than that it 
proved adverse to the Shans, though not absolutely disastrous, but still 
sufficiently humiliating to the pride of Sao Ka Hpa to cause him to abdi- 
cate and make over the government to his son Sao Pem Hpa, while he 
himself retired to Ai Hkam, the northern division of Hkamti, and after- 
wards to Mogaung, of which State he became Sawbwa. 

•' Sao Pem Hpa appears to have been permitted by the Chinese to re- 
main in peace for 20 ycars^ when a force from Yunnan under a general 
named Li Sang Pa attempted an invasion of the country, but was repulsed. 
Li Sang Pa (the name cannot be traced in Mr. Parker's translations), how- 
ever, retired only to a short distance within his own border, and shortly 
afterwards conceived the idea of taking Mong Mao by means of a ruse. 
He constructed a number of rafts, placed a goat on each, and set them 
floating down the Shweli ; the Shans, on seeing the goats approaching from 
the side of China, exclaimed iike Pot Pe Afa^ ' the Chinese arc sending 
goats down, ' a cry that quickly spread through the town as * the Chinese 
are coming floating down ' and caused a general panic. The citizens, to- 
gether with the army, fled in all directions and Sao Pem Hpa, who was ill 
at the time and unable to move, died as the enemy entered his city. 

"The causes of these wars are never mentconed, and it is almost impos- 
sible to believe that the Chinese were always the aggressors, unless some 
provocation had been previously given by the Shans. Still the next and 
last two Chinese wars are described by the Shan chroniclers to be, like 
all the previous ones, purely unprovoked movements on the part of the 
enemy. Before these took place, however, the Maos were destined to ex- 
perience what 1 believe was their first and only war with the Burmese.'* 
[Elias thinks that the previous wars with the Burmese did not extend 




beyond Mong Yang and Mong Kawng — Mohnyin and )l<^&nng, which, 
however, outlasted the Eastern 5han States.] 

•'SaoPpin Hpa was followed in 1516 by his son Sao Horn HpA, who reigned 
for the extraordinary period of 88 years and administered his country so 
successfully that it enjoyed a state of prosperity it bad never before at- 
tained. Whether it was that this contUtion of pmsperity excited the cu- 
pidity of the Peg-u King, or w helher he attacked Mdnc; Mao in the course of 
a general plan of conquest of the Shan States, it is inipossiblc to say. bat 
probably some cause oiherthan that assigned by the Burmese chroniclers 
IS to be looked for. These pretend that shortly before 1560 the Maos had 
seized some villages within the borders of Mong .Mit, and that the Savhwa 
of the latter place bad appealed to the Burmese for aid, but as MOng Mit 
bad up to within a year or two of this time been a part of the dominion of 
the Mao KiDgii, and the Burmese had been steadily advancing their con- 
quest of the Shan States from south to north, it is scarcely necessary to 
look for any special cause for quarrel. In any case, during the year 
9J4 B. E. = l56i A. 0., the King of Pegu is reported to have sent an 
army to Mdog Mao, numbering two hundred thousand men, under the 
command of his son, the heir- apparent, and three of his younger brotlicrs, 
rulers respectively of l^rome. Toungoo, and Ava. They appear to have 
commenced the campaign with an incursion into the Northern Saahva- 
ships and to have burned Santa, M5ng La, and other neighbouring towns, 
and afterwards to have descended on the capital, where alter Utile or no 
fighting they compelled Sao H6m Hpa to acknowledge himself a vassal 
of tiie Pegu King, and to send him a princess in t^ken of homage. When 
the Burmese army retired the city was spared, and teachers of Buddhism 
were left there to in.struct the Shan priests in ihe worship of Gaudama 
and to convert the rulers and people. 

"Some twenty years after these events (namely, in i/tf«£/^ww'* 34=944 
B. £.= 1582 A. D.) and apparently during a time of peace between 
Chl<-a and Burma, the Maos were again attacked by a Chinese army num- 
bered, in the usual inflated style, at three hundred thousand men. Three 
great battles were fought, none of which were decided in favour of either 
party, but eventually the Chinese sued for p< ace, and, when this was ac- 
corded by Sao H6m Hpa. their army retired to Yiinnan. Aiiolhef twenty 
years of tranquillity ihen ensued, but in Kai Mao i'*> = g66 B. £.= 1604 
A. D. a Chinese general name Wang Sang-su with a considerable force 
made a descent on the borders of Mong Mao. and Sao H6m Hpa being 
old and feeble decided to make over the government of his country 
to his son Sao Borgng. then the reigning Sawbwa of Hsen VVi. He had 
scarcely done so when he died, and at the same time the Chinese army 
commented its march on the capital. The Shaiis appear to have made but 
a feeble resistance, if indeed any at all, for Sao Boreng, a few days after 
his accession to the throne, abdicated and Red, on the Chinese being rc- 
purted to have arrived at the crossing of a certain tributary of the Shweli, 
a few miles above the capital. He made for Mogaung with a party of 
Chinese pursuing him, and reached Kat Kyo Wing Maw, on the left bank 
of the Nam Kio (the Irrawaddy), where his followers mutinied, and in 
despair he drowned himself in the river. The Kat Kyo Wing Maw Paw 
Mvtig recovered his body and buried it, subdued the mutinous followers, 
and sent them to Ava, where they petitioned the king to grant the 





Wi Chroiii- 

gramlson and oniy remaining descendant of Sao H6m Hpo a territory to 
reign over, as Mung M;io was now in llie permanent occupation of the 
Chinese. Tliia prince was called Sao Tit Hpa and he was relegated to 
Mogaung, where a certain line of Sawdwas had just then btcomc ex- 

With this summary by Mr. Ney Ellas may be compared the follow- 
ing history of Hsen Wi now first translated. It is pieced together 
from two manuscripts, one furnished by the Northern Hsen Wi 
State, the other by the Southern, a division which dates from the 
British occupation. Both chronicles are modem compilations. 

The chronological history of the ancient governors (Mahathama- 
da Min) of the Shan States from the beginning of 
the four cycles of time when fire, water, and wind 
separated and formed the earth and the four 
Dais] from the coming into existence of this world called Badda ; 
from the commencement of the reign of Hkun Lu and Hkun La 
(called in Mr. Elias' history Kun Lai) to the present day. 

In former days the golden town of Hsen-sfe Man-sfe Mfe-mong, 
mother of countries, had no fifovernors and was administered by 
four Pare Mongs or elders. These were — 

Htao-Mong Htao-Ltk of Ho-tu 
Htao-Mong Htao-kang of Mong Ton 
Htao-Mong Htao-Kang-Hawp of Hsen-sfe 
Htao-Mong Htao-Kang-Hawp of Htu-mo. 

These elders ruled over the country in harmony with one another 
and laid the foundations of the history of the Shan States. 

The Hsen Wi Hsi-hso^ Hsen Wi Hso-pa-tu, Hsu-an-hpu, Hs6- 
an-wu, Hso-mo (That is to say, the " Four Tiger country." What 
difference there is between Pa-tu, An-hpu, An-wu, and Mo tigers 
is a refinement which appears to have been now lost.), Kawsampi, 
the country of white blossoms, may be briefly described as follows. 

The country of while blossoms and large leaves was the name 
given to Mong Kawsampi, the country which lies near the golden 
Hpaw-di (the Ficus religiosa) in the Myltsima country, where the 
Buddha was bom. 

In Mong Kawsampi there lived a queen named Ekka-Mahehsi 
Dewi, who was great with child, and one day she lay wrapped in a 
red shawl in the sunshine on the terrace of the palace. There a 
monstrous bird, the Tilanka, saw her and took the red shawl for a 
piece of raw flesh. He stooped down and carried her off beyond the 
reach of mortals into the depths of the Hema Wunta, the centre of 
the 3,000 forests. There he settled on a great Mai Nyu tree and 
would have devoured her, but the Dewi cried aloud and the Tilan- 



ka was afraid and flew au-ay. The queen was then delivered of a 
male child on the tree and ihe cries of (he infant attracted the at- 
tention of a Rafhi, a holy man who lived in the wilds and was at 
the lime repealing his doxologies. He came to the tree ; the 
queen told how she had been carried of from Mong Kawsampi and 
he made a ladder for her and helped her down and she and the child 
went and lived with him in his retreat. 

When the boy was 1 4 or 15 years of age the Thagyas came down 
from the skies and presented nim with a harp, whose strains sub- 
dued all the elephants of the forests, and the boy was then known 
by the name of Hkun HsCng U Ting from the word ting a harp. 

Then Hkun HsOng U Ting gathered together all the elephants 
of the forests ^vith the sounds of his harp and marched to the 
country ol Kawsampi. There he found that his father, the king, 
was dead, and he succeeded him on the throne and went back to 
the place where his mother was, and there he built a city called U 
Ting, afterwards known as Mong Ting, on the spot where the Tka- 
gyas gave him the harp. The spot where the queen had lain in 
the sun and had felt the wind raised by the wings of the Tiianka 
was called Mong Mao from the word moo (to be dizzy), and it re- 
tains that name to the present day, and the country of the 3,000 
forests, the Hema Wunta, was known from the time of the ancient 
monarchs as Hsen Wi Hsi-hs6, the Hso-pa-tu, the Hs6-an-wu, 
the Hso-an-hpu, the Hs6-mo, also called the country of white 
blossoms, the province of Siri-wilata Maha Kambawsa Scngni Kaw- 
sampi, even to the present day. 

In the year 1274 after Buddha's nirvana, corresponding to 92 
B. E. (A. D. 730), there lived in Man S6, a country near Mong Mao, 
an aged couple on the banks of a lake called Nawng Put, They 
had a son named Hkun Ai, who used to go out diuly with the 
others to guard the cattle as they grazed near the Nawng Put lake 
to the north of the town of Man S^. Hkun Ai was 16 years of 
age, and one day a Naga Princess came to him in the shape of a 
human being and entered into conversation with him. The conv«-- 
sation ended in love and they went together to the country of the 
naga dragons. The princess made Hkun Ai stay outside the town 
till she had explained the situation to her father, the King of the 
Dragons. In consideration of his son-in-law's feelings, the king 
ordered all the nagas to assume human form and the princess and 
her husband then lived very happily together in the palace which 
the Dragon King assigned to them. In eight or nine months' time, 
however, came the annual water festival of the nagas and the 
king bade his daughter tell Hkun Ai that the naga must then as- 



sume their kraken form and disport themselves in the lakes of the 
country. She told her husband to stay at home during the festi- 
val days and she hfrsoU went and joined the rest of the itagas in 
their festive gambols. Hkun Ai climbed on to the roof of the pa- 
lace and was disconiposnd to find the whole of the country and the 
lakes round filled with hu^e sportive riaga dragons. In the even- 
ing they all assumed human form and went home again. The 
princess found Hkun Ai very downcast when she came back and 
abruptly asked him what was the matter with him. He replied 
that he was home-sick and wanted to see his old father and mother 
again. Accordingly they went back to the country of men and 
arrived at the Kawng Put lake. There the A^aga Princess told him 
she would lay an egg from which a child would be hatched, 
and this he was to feed with the milk which would ooze from his 
little finger whenever he thougl^t of her. If ever he or the child 
were in danger, he was to strike the ground three times with his 
hand and she would come to his aid. Then she laid the egg and 
went home to the country of the nagas. Hkun Ai covered over 
the egg with hay and dead leaves on the brink of the Nawng Put 
lake and then went home to his parents, to whom he related all his 
adventures, but told them nothing about the egg, of which he was 
very much ashamed. They were in great joy at his return, but 
they noticed that every day after his meals he went away to the 
lake. So one day they followed him secretly and found him nurs- 
ing a child in his lap on the brink of the lake. Then he told them 
that this was his son by the naga Princess and how he had hatch- 
ed the egg under dry leaves (fiing). So they called the child 
Hkun Tung Hkam and took him home with them and brought him 
up. From the day when the child entered their house they throve 
and prospered and they became great people in Man Sh, 

When Hkun Tiing Hkam was 15 or i6^ears old, Sao Wong-Ti 
was King of Meiktila [Mithila is the classical name for Mong Ch6, 
which to the Shan means rather Yunnan than the whole of China. 
The Meiktila here referred to, notwithstanding the title Sao WOng- 
Ti (Hwang-ti, the Emperor of China), is evidently Yunnan-sen and 
not either Peking or the Meiktila of Upper Burma], and he had a 
daughter, the Princess Pappawadi, of 14 or 15 years of age, who 
was very famous for her beauty. There were so many suitors for 
her hand from all the countries of the earth that the king had a 
golden palace built for her in the middle of the lake near the town 
and hung up in it a gong. He then announced that whoever get to 
the palace dry-shod without the use of bridges, boats, or rafts and 
struck the signal gong should have the princess to wife. Hkun 
Tiing Hkam heard the news and marched from Mong Mao with a 



large following. He found the lake surrounded with the camps of 
kings and princes who had come to sue for Princess Pappawadi and 
were holding jjjreat revelry, but had not devised means of gelling lo 
the golden palace Hkun J iing Hkam went to the edge of the lake 
in the evening and. struck ihe ground three times with his hand. 
His mother, the naga Princess, appeared and made a bridge across 
the lake with her body, over which he walked and appeared before 
the princess Pappawadi. She was greatly struck with his bearing 
and they immediately fell in love nith one another and struck the 
signal gong. Sao Wcng-Ti had ihem brought to his own palace 
and there asked Hkun Tung Hkam who he was and whence he 
came. When he was told that the mother of the suitor was a 
daughter of the King of nagas and his father a descendant of the 
ruling house of Hsen VVi Kawsampi, the countr\- of white blossoms, 
he was much gratified and the marriage ceremony was carried out 

Then Sao Wong-Ti, with all his ministers, marched back with 
the newly married couple and built a great palace for them to live in 
in Mong Mao, and the town where the palace was built was called 
Tiing Hkaw. In the year 125 B. E. (763 A. D.) Hkun Tung Hkaoi 
and the Princess Pappawadi became governors of the country and 
they had a son named Hkun Lu, who was elected king (Thamada 
Min) upon the death of his father, Hkun Tung Kham, in the year 
197B. E., after a reign of 72 years. Hkun Lu reigned 80 years and 
was succeeded by his son Hkun Lai as Thamada Min in the year 
»77B. E. (915A. D.). Hkun Lai reigned for 36 years and died at the 
age of 87 in the year 313B. E. (951 A. D.). 

The name Hsen \Vi is derived from w«, the bunches of plantains 
grown in the garden of the two aged cultivators of Man Se near 
the Nawng Put, the parents of Tiing Hkam, and has been in use 
ever since in the form Hsen VVi Hsi Hs6, Hsen Wi Hs6-an-wu, Hs6- 
an-hpu, Hsopatu, Hsomo, Kawsampi, the country of white blossoms 
in the province of .Siriwilaia Maha Kambawsa SCngni Kawsampi 

After the death of Hkun Lai the country was left without a ruler 
for five or six years and all the eight Slian Slates agreed to be 
bound and governed by the decisions of the ciders of the ruling 
family who remained. These were the four iltao-rn'Ongs : Hiao* 
mijng Htao Lek of Ho Tu, who was elder brother of I/tao-mdng 
Htao-kang of Mong Ton and Hiao-mong Kang-hawp of Hsen Sfe, 
who was uncie-of Iltao-inong Kang-hawp of Wing Tu. 

To these four the people rendered their homage with presents of 
gold and silver and other precious articles every two or three years. 


The names of these eight Shan States under the four HtaO' 

mongs were :— 

On the East, 

Mong Mao. 

MOng Na. 

Mong Hon. 

Mong Hkattra Sfe Hpang. 

On the West. 

Mong Leng. I 

Mong Kiing Kwai. 

Mung Kawng. I 

Mong Wan. 
Miing Ti. 
Mong Yang. 
Mong Kawn. 

Mong Yantare. 
Lam pal am. 
Man Maw- 

On the South, 

Mong Hsi Paw. 
Lai Hka. 
Keng Hkam. 
Mawk Mai. 
Mong Pawn, 
Yawng Hwe. 
Sam Ka. 

Mong Kung. 
KSng Tawng. 
Mong Nai. 
Mong Sit. 
Nawng VVawn. 
Hsi Kip. 
Mong Pai, 

On the North. 

Mong Ting. Kiing Ma. 

Mong Ching. Mong Mcing. 

Mong Leni. Mong Him. 

Mong Lon. 
All these States rendered homage to the four Htaomdngs. 

In the time of the first Maha Thamadamins, Hkun Lu and Hkun 
Lai, ihe boundaries extended to Mong La, Mong Hi, and Mong 
Ham on the banks of the Mfekhong. There was there a chief 
named Hkun Lu Hkam, who had many sons who governed under 
him in the province of Keng Mai. 

The four Htao-ynongs found the burden of affairs very great and 
therefore, on the eighth waning of the fourth month (March), in 
the year 316 B.E. (954 A.D.), they went, with representatives of the 
people, to the Chief of Mong Hi and Mong Ham, on the frontier 
of Mong La In the province of Keng Mai, on the banks of the 
Mfekhong, with presents of twenty-one viss of silver and three viss 
of gold and other valuable articles, to ask Hkun Lu Hkam to give 
them his sons for their governors. The Chief consented and gave 
his five sons, Hkun Tai Hkam, Ai Hawm, Hkun Hkam Sen, Tao 
Hkun Wen, and Hkun Hkam Haen, together with eight others of 
different parents, Hkun Hkam Pawng Hpa, Hkun Hsfing Pawng, 



Hkun Tao Hseng Hkara, Hkun Tao Ao Kwa, Hkun Tao Nga Rung, 
Hkun lIpaWunTon, Ilkun Tao Lu Lo, and Hkun Pan Hso L6ng, 
all of them descendants gf the house of Hkun Lu and Hkun Lai, 
to go with the Htao-mongs and to be rulers over the Cis-Salween 
States. Accordingly they all returned together and arrived at Mong 
Tu in Hsen Wi on the day of the full moon of the seventh month 
(June) of 317 B.E. (955A.D.). 

In the following year the four Hiao-mongs summoned all the 
people together to receive their respective rulers and then they and 
Sao Hkun Tai Hkam appointed them as follows : — 

Hkun Tao Ao Kwa was appointed Sa-wbwa of Mong Nai, 
Keng Hkam, Keng Tawng, and Mawkmai, as far as the 
Siamese borders. 

Hkun Tao Hseng Hkam was appointed Sawbwa of Yawng 
HwCj Mong Pawn, Hsi Hkip, Hsa Tflng, Maw La 
Myeng, Nawng VVawn, Lai Sak Sam Ka, Van Kung, 
and Miing Pai. 

Hkun Tao Nga Rung received Miing Mao, Mong Na, Sfe 
Hpang, Mong Wan, Mong Ti, Mong Hko, and Mong 

Hkun Hpa Wun TOn received Mijng Ting, Miing Ching, 
Kiing Ma, and Miing Mong. 

Hkun Tao Lu Li> received Mong Ham, Mong Yawng, and 

Mong Hkattra. 
Hkun Pawng Hpa received Wing Hso. 

Hkun Hseng Pawng received Mong Kun Kwoi and Lam- 

Hkun Pan Psii Long received Mong Kut, Mong L6ng, and 
Hsum Hsai. 

Hkun Hkam Hsen received Keng Lao, Man Maw, Keng 
Leng, Mong Yang, and Miing Kawng. 

Tao Hkun Wen became Sawhwa of Mong Yuk, Mong Yin, 
Miing Maw, Mong Tai, and Miing Ham. 
In the year 319 BE. (957 A.D.) Sao Hkun Mai Hkam appoint- 
ed his son Hkun Ai Hawm to be the governor of Mong Tu, with 
his headquarters in Hsen Wi town, and in the same year Sao Hkun 
Tai Hkam and his son Sao Hkun Hkam Hsen Hpa proceeded to 
establish the city of Hsnn Sii, which was lo be the capitalof all the 
Shan States, where State affairs were to be settled. 

The newly appointed chiefs then left Hsen Wi Hsi-hso, Hsen 
W'i Hs6-an-wu, Hso-an-pu, Hs6-pa-tu, Hsii-mo, the country of white 



blossoms, in the province of Siriwilata Maha Kambawsa Kawsampi 
and went to their respective States, where they built towns and 

Mong Sang, 
Mong Lon, 
Mong Mong, 
Mong Kiing, 
Lai Hka, 

Mong Hsi Paw, 
Mong Hko, 
Mong Lao, 
Lawk Sawk, 
Mong Nawng, 

Mong Peng, 
Mong Hsu, 
Mong Hu, and 
Mong Pat 

were declared to be under the direct control of Sao Hkun Tai 
Hkain of Hscn Se. 

Man Sfe Mfemong, 
Mong Yaw, 
Mong Htara, 
Mong Ya, 

Mong Hka, 
Ko Kang, 
Mong Paw, 
Mong Lawng 

Mong Ko, 
Mong Wan, 
Mong Kek, 
Mong Si, 

were placed under the direct control of Hkun Ai Hawm of Mong 
Tu in Hsen Wi. 

Mong Yuk, Mong Tat, Mong Mao, and Mong Noi were placed 
under the direct control of Tao Hkun Wen of Wing Nan Mong Yin. 

Tao Hkun Wen of Mong Yin had a son nanied Hkun Tao Pa 
Pawng and Hkun Tao Pa Pawng had a son named Hkun Tai Pawng. 
Hkun Tao Pa Pawng died during the reign of his father. 

The history of Mong Mir, Keng Lao, is as follows: — The Saw 
bwa Hkun Hkam Hken Hpa had three sons Ta Ka, Hkun Yi Awng, 
and Hkun Sam Hso. Hkun Hkam Hken Hpa appointed the middle 
son to be governor of Mong Yang (Mohnyin), Mong Kawng {Mo- 
gaung), and Man Maw (Bhamo). 

Hkun Hkam Pawng Hpa of Kare Wing Hso died without issue 
and consequently his ministers applied to Sao Hkun Tai Hkam of 
HsenSfefora ruler and Hkun Sam Hso, the youngest son of Sao 
Hkun Hkam Hken Hpa, was appointed. 

Hkun Sam Hso also died, but left a son Hkun Ting, who suc- 
ceeded him. 

In the year 429 B.E. (1068 A.D.) "Hkun Hkam Hken Hpa of 
Mong Mit and Keng Lao died and his eldest son Sao Hkun Ta Ra 
succeeded him as Sa-wbwa and in the following year removed his 
capital from Keng-lao to Sung Ko (Singu). He had a son, Hkun 
Kom, who succeeded him on his death in 547 B.E. (1185A.D.). 
Hkun Kom had one hundred wives, but none of them bore him a 
child. He therefore ordered them to pray (.0 the naisior the gift of 
a son. One night a ?iat appeared to him and told him to hold pm^s 
for seven days and seven nights on the banks of the Nam Kiu (the 
Irrawaddy) with all his wives and all his people. Gold dust would 




come floating down the river and, if one of the queens swallowed this, 
she would bear a son. Hkun K6m told his dream and made 
arrangements for the holding of the seven days feast. But a very 
violent storm burst and the river rose in flood and Hkun Kom and 
his queens returned to the town without seeing any £;old dust. One 
queen with a few attendants remained behind and kept a careful 
watch. Her servants found a strange fruit floating on the river and 
she ate it and went back to the palace. In a few months time she 
was delivered of a child, but the other queens were jealous and 
dropped the baby over the palace wall and told the mother that it 
was still-born. The baby did not die of the fall, so the queens had 
it placed In the middle of the road where the cattle were daily 
driven past. Next day when the cattle were lei out, a large spotted 
cow protected the child, took it up in her mouth, and carried it with 
her to the grazing-ground, where she fed it with her own milk and 
look it back with her every night to the cattle-pen. This went on 
for eighteen months and then the queens discovered that the child 
was not dead, but went to the fields every day and when any man 
came near, hid itself in the mouth of a large spotted cow. They 
therefore resolved to have all the spotted cows in the country kill- 
ed and persuaded the doctors to tell the Sa^vbwa that it was neces- 
sary to sacrifice them to the nats, in order that he might have a son. 
The spotted cows were all slaughtered, but the protector of the 
little prince had handed him over to the care of a cow buffalo, with 
whom he now stayed. When the queens heard this they determined 
to kill all the cow-buffaloes, but the one who watched over the 
prince fled to Kare Wong Hs6 and joined the herd that belonged 
to the Princess I Pawm, the daughter of the Sa-mbwa of Kare Wong 
Hso. The princess heard of it, questioned the boy, and was told 
everything. She went and told her father, .Sao Hkun Ting, who 
said that the Sawbtoa of Sung Ko (Singu) was of the true line of 
the Maha Thamadamin and that therefore, since the little prince 
had come riding on a buffalo, he must be called Hkun Yi Kwai 
Hkam and must come and stay in the Ha-so with him. 

The news soon came to the ears of Sao Hkun K6m of Sung Ko 
and he sent his ministers to bring back his son, whom he received 
with great delight and acknowledged as his heir. Soon after the 
Golden Buffalo Prince married the I^incess 1 Pawm and the Thagyas 
came down from the skies and presented him with a double-edged 

Tales about the prince spread abroad and reached the ears of 
Sao W6ng-ti {^Htvang-ti is the title of the Emperor of China, as 
used in Treaties and in reference to deceased sovereigns, like the 
Latin /?«?«5), who sent an Embassy to invite him to the Gem Palace 



in China. Therefore the prince went there with a great retinue in 
the year 663B.E. (1302A.D.). The Emperor received HkunYiKwai 
Hkani with great honour and proposed that he should go as an 
emissary to Hsihapadi, the King 01 Pukam Pawk Kan (Pagan), to 
demand the payment of the tribute of four elephants, eight viss of 
gold, and eighty %'iss of silver which had been paid by his ancestors 
every three years or every nine years. One hundred Chinese there- 
fore accompanied Hkun Yi Kwai Hkam on his return. Fifty of 
these stayed with him in Sung Ko and fifty went on to King Hsiha- 
padi of Pukam Pawk Kan. The King of Pagan refused to pay the 
tribute, put forty of the Chinamen to death, and sent back the re- 
maining ten to tell the Sao W6ng-ti that he was prepared for war. 
Upon this the Emperor of China sent an army and asked for sup- 
port from Sung Ko under the command of Hkun Yi Kwai Hkam. 
Contingents came from S^ Hpang, Mong Hko, Mong Hkam, Mong 
Yang, Mijng Na, Santa, MongTi, and Mong Wan, and all the other 
Shan States under the chief Sawhwa, Sao Tai POng, and placed 
themselves under the leadership of Hkun Yi Kwai Hkam. It was 
in 639 B.E. (1277 A.D.; there is a mistake of twenty-one years) 
that Sao W6ng-ti declared war against Hsihapadi, King of Pu Kam 
Pawk Kan. The Chinese forces with the Shan army invaded Pagan 
and drove the King and his son Hsiri Kyawzwa to Pyama Mong 
Myen. {Ser Marco Polo's Kingdom of Mien. Male was the place, 
according to the Burmese histories.) This was in the year 641 B.E. 
(1279 A.D.) and in thefoUowing year Hkun Yi Kwai Hkam carried 
the head of Hsiri Kyawzwa to the Chinese Emperor, and the troops 
returned to their own country. 

In those days Sao Tai P6ng governed the whole of the Shan 
States except Mong MJt, Mong Yang (Mohnyin)j Kare Wong Hs6, 
Mong Kiing Kwai Lam, Mong Kawng (Mogaung), and Man Maw 
(Bhamo), which were independent of him and were governed by 
Sao Hkun Kdm of Sung Ko. 

In the year 318 B.E. Sao Tao Nga Run left Hsen Wi and began 
to develope Mong Nam and Mong No and lived in the town of 
Wing M6n of Mong Mao as the Sawbtva of these States. Sao 
Nga Run had a son named Hkun Tum, who was chosen by the 
people as their Sawbwa after the death of his father and subse- 
quently took the name of Sao H6m-mong. He had a daughter 
named Sao Mon La and a son named Sao Kaw Leng. In the year 
419B.E. (1057A.D.) the King Nawrahta Mangsaw of Pagan went 
up to Mong Wong in search of the five relics of Buddha, and on his 
way back he stayed at Mong Mao and Mong Nan and met the 
Sao H6m-ni6ng there and married his daughter Sao M6n La. 



The descendants of Sao Hkun Nga Run failed in 457B.E. (1095 
A.D.) and Mong Mao was left without a ruler for some time, but 
the ministers went to the Saivifp^a, Sao Tai Pong of Hsen Sb, and 
asked him to appoint some one. He accordin^^ly sent them his 
youngest son, Hkun Hpang Hkam, who left Hsen \Vi in 458B.E- 
(1096A.D.) and went to Mong Mao, where he built himself a capital 
at the town of Wing Wai. Ir was during his reign that one of the 
younger daughters of the Sao Wong-li of the Gem Palace in China 
was killed in her own chamber by a huge tiger. The Chinese follow- 
ed up the tiger's tracks and sent notices to the Sawhwas of the Shan 
country on both banks of the Nam K6ng. The tiger measured 
twelve cubits high and travelled so fast that he passed through 
three vinngs in the day and seven nidngs in the night. He 
crossed the Chinese frontier and came to Mo Kang Hs6 in 
Mong Lon territory. The Saivbwa of Mong Lon then ordered the 
people of Hsen Lem, Mong Keng, Man Niu, Pang Kwang, Sonmu, 
Kang Hsd, M6t Hai, Maw H pa, and Hsai Mong to hang iron 
chain traps along the banks of the Nam Kiu (the Irrawaddy ; evi- 
dently the Salween is meant). The tiger was thus caught in an 
attempt to jump across the river at a place which has ever since 
been known as Ta Wut Kiu-hso-wen, from the tiger's leap. The 
people took the tiger (in the South Hsenwi Chronicle it is said to 
be a white tiger) to the Sawbwa of Samparalit in Mong Lon, and 
he sent it across the Nam Kiu to his cousin, the Sawiwa Hkun 
Hpang Hkam. They went by way of Man Kat, Mong Pat, Ho 
Ya, and Mong Sit and called at Kalo, Man Sh, La Ilseo, Ho Pok, 
and Loi Kyu and so arrived at Mong Li (these places are all in 
Hsen \Vi, so that the Nam Kong, the Salween, and not the Nam Kiu, 
the Irrawaddy, is meant). Hkun Hpang Hkam had heard of the 
coming of the tiger and sent his ministers to meet it at Mong Li 
and bring it to Wing Wai. Hkun Hpang Hkam took it himself 
from his capital to the Sao W6ng-ti, who was greatly pleased and 
presented Flkun Hpang Hkam with a State Seal and also with a 
Passport Seal, which authorized him to tax all who passed through 
his country, and he also conferred on Hkun Hpang Hkam the title 
of Governor of Mo Pong Hsfe Pong (this is no doubt the name Mu 
Pang by which Hsen Wi is known to the Chinese and an allusion 
to the Chinese Seal, which was used by the Sa^i'b-xas of Hsen Wi). 
The South Hsen Wi version says that nine Hsat-hte (publicans) 
came with the seals and established nine loUs at different places in 
Hsen Wi and collected duties, a portion of which were sent to the 
Sawbwa of Mang Lon because he caught the tiger. Hkun Hpang 
Hkam, on his return from China in47oB.E. (1108 A.D.), moved his 
_ capital from Wing Wai to Nani Paw, south of Hpang Hkam in the 





country of Mong Mao, and there he built a large town and made it 
the capital of all his Slates (this is no doubt the ruined city of Hpang 
Hkam near Si Lan on the Nam Haw). Hkun Hpang Hkam ruled 
over Mong Mao, MOng Wan, Mong Na, San Ta, Mong Ti, Mong 
Ham^ Si: Hpang, Mong Kwan, Mong Ya, and MOng Hkat-ta-ra. 
He had four daughters named Nang Ye Hkam Long, Nang Ye Hkam 
Leng, Nang Ye Hseng, and Nang Am Aw, but he was growing old 
and he had no son to succeed him. He therefore prayed daily to 
the Y6k-ka-so nat that he might have a son. One day he entered 
the chamber of his youngest queen, who was so discomposed by 
his sudden arrival that his suspicions were aroused. Accordingly 
a watch was set on the queen's chambers and one night the guard 
announced that the Y6k-ka-so nal was with her. An attempt 
was made to capture him, but the h/z/ settled on the palace roof 
and told the Sawbioa that he was the spirit of the last Sawbwa, Sao 
Hom-mong, and would give Hpang Hkam a son, but only if he 
fell down and worshipped him in the shape of the shoe which he 
threw down. Instead of worshipping the shoe, Hkun Hpang Hkam 
turned the queen out of the palace and she wandered about begging 
her food from door to door until one day she gave birth to uiree 
sons on the banks of the Nam Paw, at the foot of a hill. 

They were named Hkun Ai Ngam Mong, Hkun Yi Kang Hkam, 
and Hkun Sam Long. The first of these died in his infancy and, 
when the Sawhwa died, Hkun Yi Kang Hkam was too young to 
succeed. There was some doubt as to the appointment of a suc- 
cessor, but a vision appeared to the Chief Minister in the night and 
revealed to him that the second Princess should be chosen, since 
her elder sister was betrothed to Sao Wong Kiang, who lived at 
Keng La O in China. Accordingly in the year 489 H. K. (1127 
A. D.) Princess Ye Hkam Leng was appointed ruler and built a city, 
which was called Wing Nam I Mi of Nam Paw, the Paw river. 

Meanwhile in Sung Ko the Sa-ivhwa San Hkun Kom was dead 
and was succeeded by his son Hkun Yi Kwai Hkam, who died 
leaving no issue in the year 670 B. E. (1308 A. D.). The ministers 
therefore went to Hsen Si to ask for a ruler and the Sawb'ioa Sao 
Long Tai L6ng gave them Sao Hkun Hpy Hsang Kang to rule 
over Mong Mit Sung Ko. He had four sons Hkun Tai Hkon, 
Hkun Tai Hkai, Hkun Tai Tao, and Hkun Sam Awn. Sao Hpo 
Hsang Kang only reigned two years and Hkun Tai Hk6n was 
elected by the people as his successor. He had a daughter and a 
son named Nang Ye Hkon and Ai Pu Hkam. 

When Sao Long Tai Pong, the Sawbioa of Hsen Si, had appoint- 
ed Hkun Hpang Hkam, his youngest soHj to be Saivb-wa of Mong 
Mao in 458 B. E. (1096 A. D.), he himself gave up the Sawb-wa- 



ship to his second son Sao Hkun Tai Long and went into retire- 
ment. He lived sometimes in MongMit Sung Ko. sometimes with 
his son Hkun Hpang Hkam in Mong Mao, and sometimes with Sao 
Hkun Tai Long in Hsen Se. He died in Mong Mit Sung Ko at 
the age of one hundred and twenty in 468 B. E. (i 106 A. D.). 

During the reign of Sao Hkun Tai Long, Mong Nan, and Mong 
Yin were annexed to the State of Hsen St*, which was then the 
chief of all the eight Shan States. These were at this time — 

Hsen Wi. Mong Nai. Yawng Hwe. 

Tung Lao. Mong Him. Sam Ka. 

Lai Hka. Kung Ma. Van K6ng, 

Keng Hkam. MOng Mong. Pu Kam. 

Wang Kawk. Hsi Paw. Mong Lijn, 

Nawng Wawn. Mong Kiing. Mong Ting. 

Hsi Hklp. Keng Tawng. Mong Ching. 

Hsa Tung. Hpa-hsa Tawng. 

Maw La Myeng. Mawk Mai. 

Sao Long Tai Long appointed Sao Tai Paw to the charge of 
Wing Nan and MOng Yin. Tai Paw had three sons, Tao Noi 
Chii, Tao Noi Myen, and Sau Pan Noi. 

Sao Hkun Tai L6ng reigned for one hundred and twenty-three 
years and died In the year 670 B. E. {1308 A. D.). 

His grandson Tao Noi Chfe was chosen as his successor by the 
people and reigned for forty-two years and died at the age of seven- 
ty-three. Sao Hkun Loi Hsan Hpa, a son of Sao Pan Noi, was 
then elected by the people to be Sawbiua of Hsen S^. 

In Mong Mao, while Princess Yi^ Hkam Leng was ruler of the 
State, the two children Hkun Yi Kang Hkam and Hkun Sam Long 
lived with their mother at a village Kai Maw at the foot of Loi 
Lao and grew up as cultivators. One night the Y6k-ka-so nat 
appeared to Hkun Yi Kang Hkam and told him that, if he wished 
to prosper, he should go and remove a large stone which he would 
find to the north of his farm. Below it there was a seal which he 
was to take home with him and treat with reverence. Hkun Yi 
Kang Hkam told his brother, and the next day they went and found 
the seal, which they took home with them and gave it to their 
mother for safe keeping. From that day they prospered and be- 
came wealthy. 

Nang Ye Hkam Leng reigned for sixteen years and died in 514 
B. E. (i 152 A. D.) and the ministers then chose Hkun Yi Kang 
Hkam to be Sawbwa of the Mong Mao country. He assumed 
the title of Hso Hkan Hpa because one day a tiger had tried to 
bite him, but was driven away by the sound of his voice. He first 



built the town of Wing S^ Hai, but in 516 B. E. (1154 A. D.) he 
moved from ihere and buiU the town of Sb Ran (no doubt the pre- 
sent S^ Lan, the Cheila of Mr. Elias) and fortified it with strong 
walls and deep moats. When he had established himself there he 
summoned Hkun Tai Paw of Mong Yin, Tao Noi Chi^ of Hsen Si:, 
and all the rulers of the Hsen \Vi States to make their submission 
to him. They flatly refused, so he gathered together an army and 
invaded Wing Nan, Mong Yin, and drove out Hkun Tai Paw and 
his three sons. They fled to Wing Ta Pck in Hsi Paw and from 
there made terms with Hs6 Hkan Hpa and gave him the Princess 
Nang Ai Hkam Hpawng in marriage. 

In 517 B. E. (1155 A. D.) flkun Kang Hkam Hs6 Hkan Hpa 
summoned the brothers Sao Tai Hkbn, Sao Tai Hkai, Sao Tai 
Tao, Sao Tai Ting, and Sao Hkam Awn of Mong Mit, Keng Lao, 
and Sung Ko to submit, but they killed seven of his messengers 
and sent back the other three to bid him defiance. Hs5 Hkan 
Hpa therefore attacked them with a large army and defeated them. 
Sao Tai Hk6n refused to surrender and was executed at Sung Ko. 
The others submitted and Sao Tao Hkal was appointed Saivbwa by 
Hso Hkan Hpa, first of Sung Ko and afterwards of Mong Mit also. 

Hso Hkam Hpa carried off Sao Tai Hkdn's wife Nang Am 
Hkawng, with her daughter Nang Ye Hkung and her son Ai Pu 
Hkanij to Mong Mao and proposed to marry her, but his mother 
forbade it, because they were cousins. Hs6 Hkan Hpa therefore 
gave her to a Paw Mong, Tao KangMon, who had been prominent 
in the war. 

In the year 530 B. E. (1 158 A. D.) Sao Hso Hkan Hpa gather- 
ed a large army and marched against the Sfe Sung-Tu of China. 
(The South Hsenwi Chronicle says that the Chinese had attacked 
Sfe Ran, but were driven back.) While he was away his ministers 
invaded Kiing Ma, where they captured the Satobwa and put him to 
death at Tima. Hso Hkan Hpa conquered the Sfe Sung-Tu and 
advanced to Mong St; Long (this is the Shan name of Yunnan- 
sen : Sung-tu is no doubt the Tsung-tuh or Governor-General 
of Yun-Kuei) with a force of four hundred thousand men. There- 
upon the Sao W6ng Ti enquired what he wanted and surrendered 
Mong Sfe Yung, Sang Mu, and Aw Pu Kat, and this ended the war 
with China in 521 B. E. (i 159 A. D.). As soon as he reached S6 
Ran the Sawb^va raised another army and invaded Lan Sang, Keng 
Hsen, Keng Hung, Keng TOng, La S6ng, La Pong, La Hkong. 
Mong Hawng, and Hpahsa Tawng, east of Keng Mai, and conquered 
them all, and demanded an annual tribute of twenty-four viss ol gold, 
three-hundred viss of silver, and twenty-two elephants, which was 
agreed to. He then marched up to the Hsip Hsawng Panna of 



Mong Yon, which submlued without resistance, and then he return- 
ed to Mong Mao, where he heard that his Chief Minister Tao Kang 
Mon was dead. He appointed Hkun Pu Hkam in his place and 
gave him the llllc of Tao Kang Mong and made him Sawbioa of 
Mong Tu. About the same time the Sa-wbua Sao Tai Paw sent 
a present of gold and silver and asked for the hand of Nang Ye 
Hkon for his son Hkun Saii Pan Noi. They were married and had 
a son and daughter named Noi Hsan Hpa and Nang Horn Mong. 

After this Hso Hkan Hpa ordered an army of nine hundred 
thousand men to march against Mong Wehsali I-6ng (Assam) 
under the command of his brother Hkun Sam Long (this is the Sam- 
I.ung Pha of Elias )and the ministers Tao Hso Han Kai and Tao 
Hso Y6n. When they reached Wehsali Long, some cowherds re- 
ported the arrival of the army from Kawsampi, the country of white 
blossoms and large leaves, and the ministers submitted without 
resistance and promised to make annual payment of twenty-five 
ponies, seven elephants, twenty-four viss of gold, and two hundred 
viss of silver every three years. Hkun Sam Long accepted these 
terms and commenced his march back. The two other generals, 
Tao Hso Yen and Tao Hso Han Kai, sent on messengers to Hso 
Hkan Hpa with a story that Hkun Sam Long had obtained the 
easy submission of Wehsali L6ng by conspiring with the King of that 
place to dethrone Hso Hkan Hpa, The Snwhca believed the 
story and sent poisoned food to his brother, which Hkun Sam Long 
ate at Mong Kong (Mogaun^), where he died and was transformed 
into a nai. 

About the same time Nang Hkan Hkam Hsaii, the wife of Hso 
Hkan Hpa and daughter of the Sav}b-ii:a of Mong Leng, left him 
owing to some quarrel and went to China, where she gave birth to 
a son named Ai Pu Hkam, who married and had a son named Ai 

In 562 B. E. (1200 A.D.) Hso Hkan Hpa ordered another ex- 
pedition against Mi'mg Man (Burma) and gave the command to his 
two sons Sao Saii Pyem Hpa and Sao Ngok Ky H pa, together with 
the generals Tao Hso Yen, Tao Hso Han Kai, and Tao Hpa Prao. 
They invaded the country and first of all captured Wing Takawrg 
(Tagaung). The ruler of Takawng fled to Wing Hsaching (Sa- 
gaing) and put himself under the protection of Sao Yun, who was 
called also Hsato Ming-Pyu. The Shan army advanced on Sa- 

faing and Hsato Min-Pyu fled immediately and was followed by 
ao Hsihapadi of Takawng, whom he put to death. The Shan 
troops then crossed the Nam Kiu (the Irrawaddy) and took Pin 
Ya and its ruler called Nalasu, whom they carried off prisoner 10 
Mong Mao, where he was afterwards called Mawpaming. It was 



in the year 563 B.E. (1201 A.D.) that Hs6 Hkan Hpa's army con- 
quered Burma. (The dates and facts are hopelessly wrong here.) 

Two years after this a Chinese fortune-teller came and settled 
in Wing Sferan and became notorious, Hso Hkan Hpa sent for 
him and asked him to show his wisdom. The fortune-teller said 
the capital was to be moved from S^ran to a place about three 
miles north of the Nam Mao (the Shweli), where a capital would be 
found built on gold and silver fields. Accordingly Hso Hkan Hpa 
began building; a new capital at a place -called Ta Hsup-u in the 
year 566 B.E. (1204 A.D,), and whiU; it was being built many 
gold and silver pots were found therCj where they had been placed 
by the fortune-teller. 

[This new capital was no doubt the present Mong Mao. The 
manuscript is not at all clear, but the meaning seems to be that the 
desire was to persuade the Sawhwa to move tne capital to the Chi- 
nese side of the river. According to Ney Elias's version the 
Chinese sent down a party of 130 mules loaded with silver. This 
was scattered about among trees which surrounded the site of Mong 
Mao. The sequel of the story is not given in this case cither, but 
the inference is that the Chinese wanted the people to cut down 
the jungles round Mong Mao, so that they might attack it the more 

Sao Hs6 Hkan Hpa was a very powerful ruler and he obtained 
the submission of the following States and received tribute from 
them to the end of his days : — 

Mong Se-yung, Hsang Mu-kwa Hsi-pa Tu-hso (query : the 
Chinese I'u-ssu), Mong Hkon, Meung Yawn, Kawi Yotara, Hpa- 
hsa Tawng, Labon, Lakawn, Lang Sang [this is what the Burmese 
called Leng Zeng and is no doubt I he Chinese ; it was 
probably Wing-chanij^ (Vienchan) or Luang Prabang, whichever was 
for the time the dominant State of the Lao. Luang Prabang has 
outlasted Wir.g Chang as capital], Wang Kawk, Mawk Mai, Hsip 
Hsawng Panna, Keng Hung, Chieng Hai, Chieng Hsen, Chieng Mai, 
Pai-ko fPegu), Pang-ya (Pinya), Eng-wa lAva), HsaTung, Yan- 
kong, Maw Lamyeng, besides Hsa-ching (Sagaing), and Wehsali 
L6ng (which is almost certainly Assam, whose Buddhisiical name 
is Welsali). He reigned for fifty-ihrte years and died at the age 
of seventy-three in the year 567 B.E. (1205 A,D.) and was suc- 
ceeded by his son Sao Pern Hpa, who assumed the title of Sao 
Hso Pern H pa and reigned for two years and was succeeded by his 
son Hkun Tai Pern Hpa, who assumed the title of Sao Hso Wan 
Hpa. He was a tyrant and was put to death by his people for his 
cruelty and oppression. 




Hkun Ng6k Chyo Hpa was then brought, up from M6ng Ang-wa 
(Ava) and became Sawhwa under the title of Sao Hso Sung Hpa, 
but died Insane in about six months' time, in the year 571 B.E. 
(1209 A.D.). 

The country then remained for a time under the administration 
of the ministers Tao HsO Yen, Tao Hpa Prao, and Tao Hs6 Han 
Kai, while enquiry was made as to what had become of Nang Kang 
Hkam Hsaii, Hso Hkan Hpa's queen, who had quarrelled WMth him 
and gone to live in China; while great with child. The deputation 
reached Mong Sfc Yung-song (probably Yung Ch'angi and found 
that the queen was dead, but had left a son named Hkun Pu 
Hkam, who had a son Hkun Pu Kaw (called Ai Pu above). 
Hkun Pu Hkam was offered the SawbwasWip, but he refused it and 
suggested his son Hkun Pu Kaw, who was accordingly elected and 
on his accession in the yt-ar 636 B.E. (1274 A.O^) assumed the 
name of Sao Hso H6m Hpa and took up his abode at Wing Ta 
Hsup U (the modern Mong Mao). 

In the following year the new Sa-wbwa summoned all the tributary 
chiefs to his capital, but they refused to come. An army therefore 
was despatched under the command of Tao Hso Yen, Tao Hpa 
Prao, and Tao Hso Han Kai and it overcame the States of Man 
Maw, Mong Yang, Mong Hkong, Mong Kung Kwai, Lampalam, 
Kare Wong Hso, and Mong Yang. A garrison under Tao Hpa 
Prao was established at Mong Yang and another under Tao Hso 
Han Kai at Mong Hkong. 

While these things were happening, Sao Hso H6m Hpa, the 
SaTi'bwa, ravished several women in the town and seduced the wife 
of the minister Tao Hpa Prao. Upon this the Smvbzva Tao Kang 
Mong of Mong Tu, with a force under the command of Tao Hpa 
Prao, marched on Wing Ta Hsup U and drove Sao Hso H6m Hpa 
out of the country and he fled 10 Mong Nan in Mong Sfe (Yun- 
nan) and put himself under the protection of the Sao Wong Ti- 
This was in the year 638 B.E. (1276 A.D.), and at (he same time 
the Smvbwa Tao Kang Mong appointed his son Sao Hso Yep Hpa 
to be Sawbwa of Mdng Mao. 

At this time (it was really more than two centuries earlier) 
Nawrahta Mong Saw of Pu Hkam went to China in search of the five 
relics of the Buddha, and on his return journey he visited the S6ng- 
Tu of Mong St (the Governor-General of Yunnan). By the ad- 
vice of the S6ng-Tu, Sao Hso H6m Hpa told his story to Naw 
rahta and was referred to the Emperer of China. Accordingly he 
went to the Sao W6ng-Ti with a present of four elephants, tour- 
viss of gold, and forty viss of silver, and petitioned to be reinstated 



in Mong Mao. The Emperor thereupon sent five hundred thou- 
sand men, with reinforcements of tnree hundred thousand from 
Mong Sfe, under the command of ihe General Wang Song-ping to 
reinstate Sao Hso H6m Hpa in Mong Mao. Tao Kang Mong 
offered to submit and made a present of eight elephants, eight viss 
of gold, and forty viss of silver, which was accepted, but shortly 
afterwards Sao Hsb H6m Hpa with a party of Chinese soldiers 
surprised him while he was smoking opium and put him to death. 
Upon this his son, Sao Hkuii Hkam Tep Hpa, with all his men, 
fled to Man Kang in Mong Kyit and Hso Horn Hpa became 
Sa-jL'b%'a again in 641 B.E, (1279 A.D.). Hkun Ham Tep Hpa re- 
treated before the Chinese and settled at KengPa in Keng Tawng, 
near the mouth of the Nam Tcng, which is a tributary of the Nam 
KOng (the Salween). The Chinese, however, pursued him here 
also, so he collected a number of men and attacked them and 
drove them back as far as Mong Tu, where there was considerable 
fighting. The Chinese asked for reinforcements and the Sao 
\V6ng-Ti sent them, but afterwards, when he was informed that the 
Nam Mao (the Shweli) was the boundary between Mong Mao and 
Hsen Wi, he ordered hostilities to be stopped and in 645 B.E. 
(1283 A.D.) recalled the General Wang SOng-ping to China. Sao 
Hso Horn Hpa remained as Sa-xbwa in Mong Mao and Sao Hkun 
Tep Hpa rcturiied to Hsen Wi and removed his capital in the year 
648 B.E (1286 A.D.) from Hsen Wi to Loi Sang Mong Kiing, 
where he stayed for a year and then moved to Loi Long Pawng Nang. 
In 650 B.E. he moved again to Wing Ta Puk in Hsi Paw and built 
a large town there and assumed authority over all the Shan Stales, 
including Hsa Tung, Van K6ng, Maw La Myeng, Wang Kawk, 
Hpa Hsa Tawng, Hsip Hsawng Panna, and Mong Pai. His queen 
was a daughter of the Saivhva Sao Saii Pan Noi and of Nang Ye 
Hkfin and he had five sons, Hkun Ai Long, Hkun Hkam Pern, 
Hkuu Hkam P6t, Hkun Hkam Hom, and Hkun Hkam Wat and a 
daughter Nang Hpa Long Horn Mong. He appointed his eldest 
son Hkun Ai L6ng to be Sa^wbT^:a of Mong Yaw during his life 
time, and after a reign of fifteen years died in the year 765B.E. 
(1403A.D,), His son Hkun Hkam Pern Hpa succeeded him as 
Saivbwa. He removed to Mong Hko and remained there for two 
years and then shifted his capital to Mong Kcng, where he died in 
the year 767B.E. (1405A.D.) without leaving issue. His brother, 
Sao Hkun Hkam Pot, succeeded him as Sa-wb-iva of Hsen Wi. He 
had two sons, Hkun Nkam Hung and Hkun Hkam Wat, and died 
after a reign of two years and was succeeded, by his elder son, who 
took the title of Sao Long Hkam Hkai Hpa, and in the year 770 
B.E. (i4o8)A,D.) moved his capital from Mong Keng to Wing 



Hkam Kai north of Sh U. In the year 771B. E. (1409 A. D.) 
Mong Pu Hkam (the king of Pagan) raised an army and in- 
vaded Hsen VVi. In the same year Meng Kyawzwa became the 
King of Ava and joined Meng Pu Hkam in the attack on Wing 
Hham Hkai Lai. In the year 780B.E. (141SA.D.) the two coun- 
tries signed a treaty and the Burmese returned to their own territory. 
According to the South Hsen Wi Chronicle this is the date of the 
overthrow of Hsen Wi. Sao L6ng Hkam Hkai Hpa had three sons — 
Hkam Hawt, Hkam Yawt, and Hkam I-at. Hkam Hawt was order- 
ed to remain in the capital with his father, but was appointed Sam- 
bwa of Wing Hkum. Hkam Lat was appointed Sa-ahwa of Kiing 
Ma. On the death of his father, the second son Hkam Yawt be- 
came Sa-:viitva and moved his capital to Wing Leng. He had a son 
and a daughter — Hkun Wat and Nang Han Hkon Saw — and in the 
year 8o6B,E. (1444A.D.) Hkun Wat succeeded on his father's 
death and moved the capital to Hsup Hio S^ U, on the banks of 
the Nam Tu (the Myit-ngfe). His sister, Nang Han Hkon Sawr, 
was carried off and married by the King of the Nagas. 

Sao Hkam Wat reigned fifteen years and was succeeded by Sao 
L6ng Hkam Hep Hpa in the year 821 B.E. (1459A.D.). In his 
time the Hsip Hsawng Panna rebelled against his brother, who was 
in charge and Hkam Wat marched there and restored order and 
also visited Mong Yon, Mong Ping, and Keng Mai, where he dis- 
covered an image of Buddha and carried it off to Wing S6 U. 
(The South Hsen Wi Chronicle says that the expedition against 
Chiengmai was made under orders from the King of Burma and adds 
that fikam Hep Hpa captured ihe Chief of Chiengmai, Saophra 
Kaw Mong, also known as Tarahsi Hcng-ka, and brought him a 
prisoner to Hsen Wi). Shortly after his return he shifted his capi- 
tal to Wing Ai, owing to a famine which prevailed. He reigned 
sixty-three years and in the year 884 B. E. (1518 A. D.) Sao L6ng 
Hkam Hsen Hpa Ahsen Hpa Kyi of Mong Mit became SuToh-wa 
and reigned for ten years. He was succeeded by Sao L6ng Hkam 
Hken Hpa, who was followed in five years* time by Sao Long Hkam 
Pak Hpa. In the year 903B.E. (i54!A.D.) Sao Long Hkam Hsen 
Sung became Sawbwa and reigned till the time of Mengtara Rasa 
Meng Saw. When that king became ruler of Ava he appointed 
the nephew of Sao Long Hkam Hken Hpa of Mong Kb to be 
Sawbiva of all the Shan States. In the year 923B.E. (1561A.D.) 
Sao Long Hkam Hsen Hpa moved his capital from Wing S^ U to 
KQng Ma and thence to Wing Tawng Kang S6 Hak, where he 
reigned for twenty-four years. In the year 932B.E. (1570A.D.) 
Sao Long Hkam Hkong Hpa succeeded and moved the capital 
from S6 Hak to Wing Sfe U again. 



In'the year953B.E. (1593A.D.) during the reii^n of Nyawng Rap 
Meng Kyi Kyaw in Ava, the Satvb-wa of Hsi Paw Ong Pawng, rebel' 
led and consequently the Sawbwa Hkam Mken Upa sent troops to 
aid the king in subduing the revolt. They were commanded by 
Sao Tap Hsang Hkam and he took 6ng Pawng and captured the 
Stzwbwa Sao Kaw Hpa. 

In the same year Mijng I'ing, Nam Palu, Yawng liwe, and Nawng 
Mon rebelled, but were immedlateiy suppressed. 

In the year 961 B.E. (1599A.D.) Hkam H so Hkam Nan rebelled 
and seized Wing S6 U and held it for a year, but Hkam Hkai Noi 
Sao Kyu, who at first took refuge in Kawi Yotara, collected men in 
the Hsip Hsawng Panna and in Yotara (Siam) and drove out Hkam 
Hso Hkam Nan. 

Intheyear967B.E. (1605A.D.) Sao Kyuand the Hpaya of Mong 
Pawn rebelled against Mengtara Nawng Sarap. That Prince got 
reinforcements from Sao Upa Yasa and from Sao Hso Horn Hpa, 
the Kyem-tnong of Mong Mit, and invaded i^ong Pawn and Wing 
Se U. Sao Kyu Hkam Hkai Noi had to fly. first to Wing Kc-ng Hin 
in China and from there he was driven back to Kawi Yotara. 
After his flight the people sent Sao Tap Hsawng Hkam with 
presents to tnc King Mengtara Nawng Sarap and he accepted the 
submission of the couniry and assumed the administration. This 
was the end of the history of Hsen Wi Long, the country of white 
blossoms and large leaves, in the province of Siri Wilata Maha 
Karobawsa Kawsampi. It had twenty-five rulers, who were the 
descendants of the generation of Sao Hkun Tai Hkan and were as 
follows : — 

Hkun Tai Hkan, 

Tai P6ng, 

Tai Long, 

Noi Chfe. 

Noi Myen, 

Noi San Hpa, 

Pang Hkam, 

Kang Hkam Hs6 Hkan Hpa, 

Hso Pyem Hpa, 

Hs5 Wat Hpa. 

Hso H6m Hpa, 

Hs6 Yep Hpa, 

Hkun Tet Hpa. 

Hkam Hkai Noi Sao Kyu. 

Hkun Pyem Hpa, 
Hkun Put Hpa, 
Hkam Pak Hpa, 
Hkam Hkai Hpa, 
Hkam Hawt Hpa, 
Hkam Wat Hpa, 
Hkam Hep Hpa, 
Hkam Hsen Hpa, 
A Hsen Hpa, 
Hkam Hken Hpa, 
Hkam Hsen Hsung Hpa, 
Hkam Ching Hpa, 
Hkam Nan Hpa> ^nd 



They ruled over twenty tributary States as follows (these are 
really the names of the various capitals): — 

Pu Hkam, 

Nawng Hpo Mh, 

Keng Hin, 

Keng Lon, 

Wing Hko, 

Wing Keng Hkam Kai, 

Wing Long, 

Wing Ai, 

S^ Hak, 

a period of six hundred and 

Hsen Wi Hsen Sfe, 

Wing Wai, 

U Ting, 

Mong Mao, 

S6 Hai, 

Wing Nawng I, 

Wing Nang Ukai Hkam Pawng, 

S6 Ran, 

L6ne Kwai, 

Ta Puk, 

and maintained their sovereignty for 
one years. 

In 968B.E. (1606A.D.) after the flight of Sao Hkam Kyu, Sao 
L6ng Mengtara Nawng Sarap and Sao Upa Yasa appointed Sao 
Hs5 Hung Hpa, the /Cyem-moug oi Mong Mil, to be the ruler of Hsen 
Wi Long. He was the son of Sao Hso H6m Hpa, the Sawbwa of 
Mong Mit, who was a descendant of Sao Long Hkam Hkcn Hpa. 
(The South Hsen Wi Chronicle places the accession of Sao Hso 
Hung Hpa in 1651, but this must be a mistake and is no doubt due 
to a miscomprehension of the Shan system of counting by cycles. 
This is hardly understood now south of the Nam Mao, or Shweli 
river. We know from Burmese history, where Mungtara Nawng 
Sarap is called Nyauiig Ram Meng by Sir Arthur Phayre, that the 
Northern Shans were subdued in 1604. The Shan dale given here 
is therefore no doubt substantially correct.) 

Thus llsen Wi Long became a dependent State of MOng Man 
Mong Men {i.e., Burma). Wing Se U was the capital of Sao HQng 
Hpa and he reigned for thirty-nint: years. He had four sons Sao 
Kyem-mong Hs6 Hung. Sao Hpaya Sao, Sao Hso Hom-mong, 
and Sao Hs6m Hpu. The Kyem-mong died in Pai-ko (Pegu f) 
and left a son named Hkam Nawn Nai Hkam Kaw Hpa. Sao 
Hpaya Sao died in Ava and Sao Hs6m Hpu died in Mong Kawng. 

In the year 1006B.E. (1644A.D.) Hkam Nawn was appointed 
Sawbioa with the title of Sao Hso Hsen Hpa and lived in Wing S6 
U. He lived there for six years and was then put to death by Sao 
L5ng Mengtara and Sao Hso Hung Hpa was appointed Sawbwa. 
He had two sons Hso Hung and Hkun Awk Hkam and a daughter 
Nang Han Hpa Hko Hkam Hijng. 

Hso Hung Hpa collected an army and invaded Mong Mao, Mong 
Wan, Sd Hpang, Mong Na, San Ta, Mong Kawn, and Mong Ti, 
and conquered the whole of the States near the Nam Kong which 



had formerly belonged to Sao Hs6 Hkan Hpa. Wing S?;U remain- 
ed his capita! and he reigned for thirty-three years. He was suc- 
ceeded in 1046 B. E. (1684A.D.) by his daughter Nang Han Hpa 
Hko Hkam Hong, who reigned for four years and died in Wing 
S6 U, The country then remained for nine years without a ruler 
and then in 1059B.E. (1697A.D.) Sao Long Hkam Hsawng Hpa 
was named Saisib-wa and lived for eleven years in Wing S6 U. He 
then removed his capital to a place called Man Kao Hlwe Mong. 
Pang Pawng and built Wing Ting Yit there, but stayed for only a 
twelvemonth and then built a new capital Wing Pang Pawng, also 
called Wing Hsup Pang Pawng. 

While he was still at Wing Sfe U, a person named Ku Ma of 
Lan Sang Mong Yotara (Luang Prabang) came with his family to 
Hsen Wi Long and settled at Hsup Nang Pang Pawng Tu and 
built there the Wat Sfe Kvu, which was afterwards called Hsung 
Pawng S6 U Long. 

'X\\QSa7obwa Ilkam Hsawng Hpa reigned for twenty-three years, 
eleven years in Wing Sfe U and eleven years in Wing Hsup Pang 
Pawng, besides one year at Wing Ting Yit. 

The names of the Sa-wbwas of Wing Sfe U were — 

Hkam Wat Hpa. 

Hkam Hsen Hpa. 

Ahsen Hpa Kyi. 

Hkam Pen Hpa. 

Hkam Hken Hpa. 

Hkam P.nk Hpa. 

Hkam Ching Hpa. 

Hkam Hs6 Hkam Nan Hpa 

Hkam Hkai Noi Sao Kyu. 
Hso Horn Hpa. 
Hs6 Kaw Hpa. 
Hso Hsiing Hpa. 
Hkam Pet Hpa. 
Nang l-lan Hpa Hko. 
Hkam Hsawng Hpa. 
Hkam Hong. 

Wing Sfe U remained the capital for a period of 101 years. 
Hkam Hsawn^j Hpa had four sons — Hkam Ho, Hkan HQng, Hkam 
Leng, and Hkam Kawt — and a daughler named Han Hpa Nang 
Naw Hseng. 

Hkam Ho, who was born of a minor queen, Nang Awn, died 
young, but left a son named Hkun Li. Hkam Kawt was the son 
of the Queen Nang Mong Na, and died in Ava, leaving a son and 
a daughter named Hkun rising Hpo and Nang Hsoi Hkam Mong. 
The daughter Han Hpa Nang Naw Hsen was the daughter of the 
Chief Queen Nang L6ng Han Hpa Meng Hko Hkam Hiing. 

Sao Hkun Li was ordered by the King of Ava to invade Chieng 
Mai. On his return he was appointed Sau^bwa of Hsen Wi and 
reigned for five years, when he was murdered by dacoits as he was 
on his way to worship at the pagoda in Kfing Tawng. 



Mkun Hseng Ilkain Kawt, a son of Hkun HsCng Hpo, who was 
with him at the time, was also murdered. 

At the same time the Sawbwa of Mong Kang wished to marry 
Nang Hsoi Hkam Mong, but she fled to Mong Ching, 

In the year 1076 B. E. (1714 A. D.) therefore Sao Hkun Leng 
was appointed Sawbwa. He was a uterine brother of Hkun Ho 
and took the title of Sao Naw Hpa. In the fourth year of his reign 
Kung Ma rebelled against him, and at the same time his son, the 
Kyem-mOng t Pu Sao Htawn La, also rebelled. He was, however, 
captured immediately and put to death, but very soon afterwards, 
on the fourth waxing of the fourth month, his daughter, Nang Hsum 
Naw Hseng Pan rebelled and murdered Sao Naw Hpa in his palace 
in the middle of the night. 

She was confirmed in charge of HsenWi by the King Mengtara 
Nanta Yasa and reigned for 12 years, when she was succeeded in 
1090 B. E. P728 A. D.) by her brother Sao L6ng Hkam Hong 
Hpa. He married Nang Tu Sum of Mong Mao and had four sons 
and five daughters. (He is apparently the Hseng Hong ol the 
South Hsen \Vi Chronicle, which states that he received his appoint- 
ment order in Ava and returned to the Shan States by way of 
Yawng Hwe, where he married Nang Hseng Pu, a niece of the 

During the time of the Sawhwa Hkam Hong the Kwi M6ng, the 
countr)' of the Kwi (this is the country of the Kwei-kia, *' the 
Gwfe Shars'* whom Mr. Parker places in Madaya, near Mandalay), 
rebelled, and the King of Rurma ordered Hkam Hong to march 
against them. He sent his son Hkam Wat Hpa, who drove the 
Kwi as far as O Hpo O Meng and then returned to Hsen Wi. 
Shortly after his arrival the Chinese of Maw La-wu rose in rebel- 
lion and seized Maw Pang Hp6k and from there threatened to in- 
vade Hsen Wi. Sao Hkam Wat, however, drove them from Kyu 
Wing Kak back lo China. But disturbances caused by the Chinese 
contmued in the Kwi M^ng, at Maw Pang Yang, and at Miing 
Pat and Ye La, and Hkam Hong sent another army against them 
under Sao Mang Ti, who drove the Chinese rebels as far as Hsi 
Paw, where the Burmese troops fell upon them and captured the 
Saivbiva of Mong Pat, who was, however, rescued by his own people 
as he was being carried down to Ava. Ko Hseng Hsi Kang Rasa 
W.1S the general in command of the Burmese iroops in the Kwi 
M6ng and he fell in battle there at Hpo O Meng. Upon this 
Sao Mang Ti went to the assistance of the Burmese army and 
fought both the Kwi and the Chinese. While he was still there Sao 
Long Hkam Hong died at Pang Pawng after a reign of twenty-four 



years. Sao Mang Ti, his brother, returned in 1115 B. E. (1753 
A.D. ; the South Hsen Wi Chronicle gives the date as 1 750) and was 
chosen Saivbwa by the people at MongMot, when he took the title 
of Hs6 Um Hpa. He had three sons named Sao Naw U Mong, 
Hkun Hseng Vi, and Hkun Hsam Hpo and two daughters Nang 
Hscng Hkam Mu and Nang Hsoi Hkam Mong, who were married 
to Sao Hkam Ho and Sao Hkam Leng. (The South Hsen Wi 
Chronicle says that Sao Mang Ti confiscated all his brother's pro- 
perty and consequently the dowager Nang Hscng Pu returned to 
Yawng Hwe and gave birth there to a son called Hkun Nu, who 
aftenvards became Sawb-n^a with the title of Sao Hswe Cheng. 
The account given of Sao Mang Ti's reign also differs consider- 
ably. The Burmese Government, it is said, persisted in demanding 
heavy tribute and levies of fighting men from Hsen Wi. Sao 
Mang Ti built a pagoda and dreamt that, if its spire inclined to» 
wards Ava, Hsen Wi was to be always under Burmese authority ; 
if it remained upright, the State was to be independent, but, if it bent 
towards China, that country was to be the suzerain. Next morning 
he found the top of the pagoda leant towards Burma. He there- 
fore abandoned lisen W'i and went to live at Mong Ka in Chinese 
territory. He was followed there by his son-in-law Sao Hkam Hu, 
who had been fighting for the Burmese in Karenni. The king 
summoned both to Ava, Sao Mang Ti refused to go and died 
shortly afterwards in Mong Ka. Sao Hkam Hu went to Ava and 
died immediately after his arrival. His brother Sao Hkam Leng 
remained in Chinese service and was active in invasions of Hsen 
Wi and held the town for three years. Hkun Hseng Awng Tun 
also commanded a Chinese army and invaded not only Hsen Wi, 
but also Mong Nai, where he maintained himself for 17 years.) 

Maw Pang Yang again gave trouble and occupied Nawng Mon 
La-hseo. The Burmese sent an army under Bo Hsang Kang, and 
Sao Mang Ti gave the command of his forces to Sao Hkam Leng 
and they drove the Chinese out of Nawng Mon La-hseo and then 
marched down to Ava. In 11 18 B. E. (1756 A. D., while Sao 
Hkam Leng was in Ava, his wife, the Sawbwa^s daughter, took 
another husband. In the same year Prince Hswe Tawng (Shwe- 
daung) rebelled and had to take refuge in Hsen Wi under the pro- 
tection of Sao Mang Ti, where he settled in Ting Yit, but had to 
remove to Kun Long, Sao Mang Ti supported the Shwedaung 
Prince in his rebellion against King Awng Zeya (Alaungpaya) in 
1 120 B- E. (1758 A. D.) and was driven to Kiing Ma, where he 
built a pagoda, and shortly afterwards died. 

Awng Zeya died in 1122 B. E. (1760) and was succeeded by Sao 
Mengtara Nawng L6k (Naungdawgyi), and in the same year the 




chief of Kwi Mfing again rebelled and established himself in Hsen 
Wi. A Burmese army under Meng-kyi, Kyaw Ma Ting came up 
and invaded Kami Kang, Mong Pat, and Mdng Hko Mong Ka- 
The Kwi M^ng Sawbwa fled lo Maw Noi Mong Lem, where he 
put the Sawbioa lo death and settled in Mong La. 

Shortly after this the Men^-kyi, Kyaw Ma Ting, came and es- 
tablished himself in Hsen Wi. He recalled Sao Hkam Pat from 
Mong Kawn and set him up as Sawbiva, and, having brought in 
Sao Kham Ho from Se Hpang, took him down with him to Ava. 

But soon afterwards Kung Ma rebelled and the Meng-kyi re- 
turned and drove the Chinese back to Kyu Hsin and built a 
bridge over the Nam Kong (Salween.) 

In the year 1 125 B. E, (1763) Sao Hsam Kyap Me Tu (Sin- 
byushin) became King of Ava, and on the fourth day of the eleventh 
month of that year he appointed Sao Kham Leng to be Saw/fwa 
of Hsen Wi and he established himself under the name of Sao 
Long Hkam Hsawng Hpa. In 1127 B. E. (1765 A. D.) troops 
from Ava came up under the command of Teng Kyaw Bo Myawk 
Wang and Bo Mang Kawng and with reinforcements from Hsen 
Wi under the command of Sao Hkun Hseng Awng Hion marched 
to Mong Lem and the Hsip Hsawng Mong (Keng Hung.) The 
Sawbwas of these States fled to the Sao Wong Ti, who sent an army 
from China, which drove the Burmans and Shans back to Hsen Wi. 
The Chinese army then in the following year 1 1 28 B . E . ( 1 766 A. D.) 
invaded the whole of the eight Shan States on both banks of the 
Nam Kong. Sao Hkun Hkam Hsawng Hpa surrendered to the 
Chinese General at Mong Myen (Mien Ning ?) and was brought 
by him to Mong Pawn, where he was established as Sawbwa wnth 
a Chinese title. He reigned for three years and died of cholera 
soon after receiving his insignia and was succeeded by Sao Hkam 

There was a Chinese Governor at this time living at Tima and 
Sao Hkam P6t went to see him and was well received and sent, 
with two elephants as a present, to live in Wan Tcng. 

Hsen Wi was again utterly destroyed and the Chinese General 
summoned the States of Mong Myen, Kung Ma, Mong Ching, 
Mung Ka, and Mong Ting to meet him at Hsen Wi. 

But in the first month of the next year a Burmese army under 
the Myauk Wang Bo came up and expelled the Chinese from Hsen 
Wi and drove the Chinese Tajen to Mong Na and settled in Mong 
Sa. But the Chinese troops under the Taj6n of Mong W'an at- 
tacked him and he retreated to Mong Ma and afterwards to Mong 
Y6k and Mong Yin. 



The Chinese troops then took possission of Wing S6 U, but the 
Myawk Wang f^o gathered five thousand men and drove them back 
and, with support from Sao Hkun Hkam Pot, drove the Chinese 
beyond S6 Hpang, Mcing Ching, and Kting Ma. 

At the same time another Burmese army marched through Maw 
Noi, Mong Lem, and drove the Chinese from the Hsip Msawng 
Mong (Keng Hong). 

In the following year, however, the Chinese Taj^n came through 
Mong Ko and Mung Si by way of the Nam Lan and occupied Man 
Saw S& U and appointed Wu Kung Ye Governor of the Shan 
States, and drove the Burmese from Hsen Wi to Hsi Paw and later 
from Ilsipaw also. Wu Kung Ye then went to live In Loi L6ng. 
(This Wu Kung Ye is probably the Burmese Thukhunye and the 
" Duke Fuh^ng, the Manchu Generalissimo, a relative of the Em- 
press," of Mr. Parker.) 

A Burmese army under the Kyaw Bo and the Myawk Wang Bo 
then came up and drove the Chinese from Hsen Wi through the 
upper defile of Ho Km and then expelled Wu Kung Ye from Loi 
Long (Tawng Peng) and drove him to Miing Yin, where he died. 
(Mr. Parker says " he reached Peking only to die there.") Another 
Chinese force came from Kang Usij, but was repulsed and driven 
back from Mong Yaw. The Chinese carried off some Chiefs and 
one hundred and thirty households with them to Ta Ri (Tali-fu) 
and kept them there. 

[The South Hsen Wi Chronicle gives the story differently. Ac- 
cording to this version, the Chinese General Sao Wong Kantarit 
came in 1129 B. E. (1767) with a largt; army, built a bridge over 
the Nam Tu at Ta Te above Hsi Paw and placed garrisons in Hsum 
Hsai and other places towards Burma. A Burmese army from 
Pegu and Martaban drove them back 10 Wing Hkao Hsan (Lashio), 
where the Chinese had a formidable fort. The Burmese fortified 
themselves on the south side of the Nam Yao at Lashio village and 
waited until the Myauk Win Bo marched up through Mong Lem 
and Mong Ma and attacked the Chinese from the east. The 
Chinese were then driven from Wing Hkao Hsan (the ramparts of 
which still remain). Then succeeded a series of IVuns and Sikkes 
in Lashio as to which the two chronicles are at variance]. 

In the year 1137 B.E. (1775 A.D.) the king Sao Mengtara 
Long appointed U Ting Hpoi to be Saivbioa of Hsen Wi and he re- 
moved his capital to the Nam Yao near Lashio, and therefore Lashio 
was formerly called Wing U Ting Hpoi, after the Sawbwa who 
reigned there for seven years and was succeeded by the Kyauksfe 
iVun, who remained in charge for three years and was then replaced 



by Sao Hswe Hking of Ton Hkam. who came from Yawng Hwe. 
He was the son of the Sawbxca Khun Hscng Hong. Sao Hswe 
Hking took the title of Hso Wai Hpa and moved the capital to 
Wing Hsup Pang Pawng. He reigned for twenty-three years and 
died in 1162B.E. (1800 A.D.) 

[Hsi Paw invaded Mong Tung in the second year of his reign 
(1780), but was repulsed. The South Hsen Wi Chronicle gives 
further details. King Patung (Bodawpaya) succeeded Singu Min 
(Maung Maung) in 1781 and summoned the ^aaiaws of Kawsanipi 
to his capital. Eight of them went. Sao Hswe Cheng did not,and 
the other Sawhwas said that he was preparing to rebel. Sao Hswe 
Cheng was therefore arrested by the Set-taw \Vu?t and the Danubyu 
IVuH and taken to Ava, where he was sentenced to death. The 
A-weyaukt in whose charge he was, Interested the Queen-mother in 
the prisoner. She represented the matter to the King, with the 
result that the Wuns were executed and Sao Hswe Cheng was 
restored to his State. This was in the year before the foundation 
of Amarapura and two years before the arrival of the Arakan image 
in boats built specially for the purpose by the King. During the 
Sawbwa's reign it is noted that in 1786 the Sawbivas of Hsi Paw 
and Mang Lijn built capitals on new sites. In 1787 the Chinese 
sent messengers with valuable presents to Hsen Wi, Hsi Paw, and 
Lawk Sawk, and in 1 788 the Sawbwas of all the Shan States united 
to build a fort at Mong Nai, because of an eclipse which happened 
in that year, while, the year after, a new hti was mounted on the 
Shwe Maw Daw in Pegu apparently for the same reason,] 

The Sawbwasoi^Aong Mao, Mong Ting, Hsi Paw, Mong Sit, Sara 
Ka, Kcng Tawng, Nam Hkok, Nawng WaRn, and Yawng Hwe at- 
tended Sao Hswe Cheng's funeral. He left seven sons and two 
daughters. One of the daughters, Nang Hseng Santa, was married 
to the King Mengtara Long and had a son named Hsato Mang-hsa, 
but he died voung. In the year 1 163B.E. (1801A.D.) the King of ^ 
Burma appomted Hkun HsGng Hong, the eldest son, to be Sawbwa of' 
Hsen Wi with the title of Sao H.s6 Kaw Hpa. In 1 171B.E, (1809) 
Mong Het rebelled against him and four years later, when he was 
on a visit to Mong Ut, there was a general rising. He was sum- 
moned to Ava to explain how this had happened and from there was 
sent back by way of Mong Nai, Mong Nawng, and the Kawn Tau, 
but he died before he reached his capital. He built a bridge over 
the Nam Tu and reigned for fifteen years and he left a son, Sao 
Hswe Pawng, by a Burmese wife, but the King appointed a General, 
named Hsiri Rasa Hsang Kyam of Mong Kawng to take charge 
of the State, which he held for three years and then died. He was 
succeeded by Hsiri Kyawdin NawTahta, who, however, was recalled 



to Ava in twelve months' time. Then, in 1 181B.E. (1819A.D.), 
King Patung, Bodawpaya, died and his nephew, the next Burmese 
King, appointed Sao Naw Mong, a son of Hso Wai Hpa, to be Saw- 
biva of Hsen VVi with the title of Sao Long Hso H6m Hpa. He 
died within the year at Mong Nai, where he had gone to see the sitk^, 
having only reigned five months (the Southern Chronicle says two 
years). The King then appointed his brother Sao Hkam Kawt 
with the title of Sao L6ng Hsii HOng Hpa. He was Sawbwa for 
two years and died at Mong Xai, whither he had been driven by the 
rebels Ching L6ng Hsung Hko Awn, Hpraka Hkam Kal of Mong 
Pat, Hpraka Hkam M6n Hkam Hsen of Hsen l..em, Htao Mdng 
Hpraka Jlkam Man of Kat Kang, and Heng Hkam Hiing of Man 
Wap. The deceased Sawbwa left a son Ilkun HsengMawng Hpo 
living in Ava, but in 1 1S6 B. E. (1824 A.D.) the Sao Long Meng- 
tara appointed Sao Hkam Pak to be Sa^vbwa of Hsen \Vi. Before 
he took charge, however, he received orders at Mong Nai to go with 
the other Shan San^hzcas to fight the English at Rangoon. He 
took three thousand men with him and was killed in the fighting. 
In his absence the Wtin Kyawzwa Myeng was put in temporary 
charge of the administration, and in 1189S.E. (1827 A.D.) Hkun 
Hsang Hkam Nan, another son of Hso Wai Hpa, was created Saw* 
bwa with the title of Sao Long Hso Yep Hpa. He died in three 
years* lime and was succeeded by his son Hkun Hseng Hkam Nan, 
who died on his way up to Hsen \Vi. 

In 1193B.E. (183!) Sao Hswe Mawng, a son of Sao Hso Kaw, 
was appointed Sawb-iua of Hsen Wi with the title of Hso Wai Hpa, 
and reigned for seven years. 

During his time the Htao MSngs of Mong Het, Mong Kyek, 
Man Sang, and Mong Yai rebelled and joined Mang Lon. About 
the same time the Sarvbrca of Yawng Hwe also rebelled. He was 
sent to Ava and died there and his two sons also died, one of them 
at Pyang U (Pyinulwin) and the other at Ava. 

Sao Hswe Mawng joined in the rebellion and marched to Pang 
Hkao, near the Tawngtaman lake to support the Sck-kya Mintha. 
Apparently he did not fight and was merely deposed. 

In the year 1200 B.E. (1838} the Burmese King appointed Sao 
Hkun Hkam Leng, a son of the Queen Nang Hkam Kyi, to be 
SoTvbwa of Hsen Wi with the title of Hso Hkan Hpa. During his 
reign the Yang Sawk (Red Karens) rebelled against Ava and the 
Hsen Wi Sawbwa with other Shan forces was sent to suppress them, 
which he did, but on his return to Ava ho was put to death for some 
fault after having been Saicbiva for seven years. 

In 1208 B. E. (1846) Hkun Hseng Naw Hpa, a son of Sao Naw 
Hpa L6ng and grandson of Sao Hswfe Cheng, was appointed Sawbwa 



with the title of Hs6 Sam Hpa, Sltta-palaThudhamma Yaza. He 
had almost immediately to deal wilh a rebellion headed by Twi Taw 
Hkani Mawn, who was joined by the Hcngs and Hta-mongs of 
Kokang Taw Niu, Kun L6ng, Kang Mong, Mimg Kawn, and the 
Kawn Rang and drove the 5aa'ia'a toNaNoi Kaling and thence to 
Hsai Hkao, Mong Yin, and MongTat. There, however, he gather- 
ed an army and drove the rebels to Mon^ Ti and Miing Ting, 
where he captured Twi Taw Mkam Mawn and put him to death and 
marched all the way to Mong Nawng. In I2ii B. E. (1849) he 
had subdued the whole ol the subordinate States, but he died in 
the same year. The Southern Chronicle says he was put to death 
in Ava. 

The Wun Paw La Nan Ta was then put In charge of Hsen Wi, 
but died in a year and was succeeded by the /!'«« Mawng Kyut. 
It was at this time that King Mind6n seized the throne from his 
brother. On his accession he appointed Kun Hseng Mawng Hpo 
to the charge of Hsen Wi. Hkun Hscng Mawng Hpo made a 
prisoner of Mawng Kyut and took him to Ava, where he was put 
to death. Sao Long Hso Sam Hpa was then appointed Sawbwa of 
Hsen Wi in 1215 B. E {1853). The whole State was very dis- 
turbed and he put the Paw Mong Hsung Ton Hkam and his son to 
death. Upon this the Hcng of Mijng Nawng and the Ho Hsiing of 
Mong Ton went first to Mong Nai and then to Ava and obtained 
the separation of their own and other States from Hsen Wi. This 
was in 1216 B. E, (1854), and in the following year the Sawbwa 
Hso Sam Hpa was summoned to Ava. While he was there the 
5xV/'t^ Meng Kawng Rasa was put in charge of Hsen Wi. He was 
unable to suppress the disorders and left in eight months' time and 
was succeeded by another Sitk^, Hseng Kadaw, who obtained forces 
to support him from the Shan States to the south. He also was 
recalled after a year, and in 1218 B.E. (1856) Hkun Hseng Mawng 
Hpo was sent up again and look the title of Sao Long Hs6 Kaw 
Hpa. But the disturbances continued. The Paw Mong of Mong 
Hsing overran and occupied Mong Nawng and Kesi. The Htao- 
m'dngs of these States made their way to Mong Nai and Ava and 
obtained permission to be independent of Hsen Wi. The order was 
issued in 1220 B.E. (1858}. 

In the same year Hso Kaw Hpa (Maung llpo) went back to Ava 
after three years' stay at Wing Hsup Pang Pawng. The Pagyi IVun 
took his place, but died in a year. The Sitkd Hseng Kadaw then 
came up again. He settled in Lashio, but soon returned to Ava 
and was succeeded by the Pa Hkan Wun Mingyi, who, however, 
died at Man Sang before he reached Hsen Wi. In 1226 B.E, (1864) 
Hso Kaw Hpa once more returned, but was recalled in a year, to 



be replaced by Shwe Pyi Bo, who settled at Lashio. In 1328 B.E. 
(1866} the Myingun Prince rebelled and the Shwe Pyl Bo and the 
Nga-ya Bo supported him. When the rebellion was over they were 
summoned to Ava, but committed suicide at Lashio. 

In 1229 B.E. (1867) the Sa-wbwa Hso Sam Hpa, who had been 
detained all this time in Ava, came back to Hsen Wi, but in the fol- 
lowing year Tao Sang Hai rose against him and the Saivbiva was 
again recalled. Wundauks were sent up, one of whom stayed in 
Lashio and the other in Wing Hsup Pang Pawng, but they failed 
to overcome Tao Sang Hai, and in 1236 B.E. (1864) Hsen Wi town 
was burned. The next year Hso Sam Hpa and the Nauk IViudaw- 
hmu came up together, but they could not put an end to the distur- 
bances and eventually he had to rtireat to Mong Si, while *m 1241 
B.E. (1879) Hkun Hsang Ton Hong, with the aid of a large body 
of Kachins, established himself in Hsen Wi town and maintained 
himself there. 

Sao Naw Mong, the son of the Sawbiva, Sao HsGng Naw Hpa 
Long Hso Sam Hpa, was kept a prisoner by King Thibaw in Man- 
dalay until 1885. He was then liberated by the British troops and 
went up to Man Sang. After some stay there he marched north to 
attack Hkun Hsang TOn Hong, but was defeated at lashio and 
retreated to Na Nang. Here Hkun Hsang Ton H6ng attacked him 
in the following year and overran all the Kawn Kang, the present 
State of South Hsen Wi. Sao Naw Mong then fled to Mong Nai 
and was established in the following year as Saipbiva of South Hsen 
Wi at Mong Yai, while Hkun Hsang Ton H6ng received the north- 
em half of the Stale with his capital at Wing Msen Wi. 

There is sufficient general correspondence Jn facts, names, and 
dates in this chronicle with those collected by Ney Elias to warrant 
the assertion that the story is the same, and that the " Kingdom of 
the Mao Shans" is the same as the Kingdom of Hsen Sfe Man Sfe 
and also the same as that of the Kingdom of Pong. The first and 
chief authority for this is Major Boileaii Pemberion, whose account of 

„. , , „, it was derived from a Shan manuscript chronicle 

Kingdom of rOnif. i • i > t • i t i ■ t • 

which he obtained and caused to be translated 
during his mission to Manipur in 183'^. In this document the first 
King's name recorded is that of one Khool-lie ("no doubt Hkun Lai), 
" whose reign," writes Major Pemberton, " is dated as far back as the 
" eightieth year of the Christian era', and from whom to the time of 
'* Murgnow, in the year 667 A.D., the names of twelve Kings are 
"given who are described as having gradually extended their con- 
" quests from north to south, and the names o\ no less than twenty- 
" seven tributary cities are mentioned which acknowledged the supre- 



" raacy of Murgnow • • « .In the year 777 A.D. Murg- 
*' now died, leaving two sons called Sookampha and Samlongpha 
"(these are the Hso Hkan Hpa and the Sam Long Hpa of the 
"manuscript translated above), of whom the eldest* Sookampha 
" succeeded to the throne of P6ng, and in his reign we find the first 
" traces of a connection with the more eastern countries, many of 
"which he appears to have succeeded in bringing under subjection 
"to his authority." The story is then told of Sam Long Hpa's 
campaign against Manipur, Tipperah, &c., and of the poisoning of 
Sam Long Hpa by Hso Hkan Hpa, though in this history Sam 
Long Hpa is said to have escaped owing to a warning sent him by 
his mother. 

" From the death of Sookampha in the year 808/' continues 
Major Pemberton, "to the accession of Soonganpha in 1315 the 
" names of ten Kings only are given • • « ^ but about the 
"year 1332 A.D. some disagreements led to collision between the 
" frontier villages of the Pong King's territory and those of Yiin- 

" An interview was appointed between the Kings of P6ng and 
"China to take place at the town of Mong SI, which is said to 
"have been five days distant from Mong Maorong, the capital of 
" P6ng." [This may have been the Mong Si, which is now the centre 
of one of the Kachin circles of North Hsen Wi, but is more likely 
to have been Miing S^, Yunnan-sen, though that is very much 
more than five days* journev.J "The Chinese sovereign, with 
"whom this interview took place, is named in the chronicle Cho- 
'* wongtec (Sao W6ng-ti), and Shuntee, the last Prince of the iwen- 
" tieth imperial dynasty, is in the best chronological tables described 
"as having ascended the throne of China in the year 1333." [Mr. 
Elias thinks this must have been Cheng-tsu Wen-ti (A.l3. 1403 — 
1425) of the Ming dynasty and not Shun-ti of the Yuans, but 
since W6ng-ti is simply Hwang-ti, the title and not the name, the 
fixing of an absolute dale, if that were possible, would determine 
which Emperor it was.] 

"The Chinese, however, determined on subjugating the Pong 
"dominions and, after a protracted struggle of two years' duraiion» 
"the capital of Mogaung (called in the manuscript Mong Kawng) 
"or Mong Mao Rong (which would appear to be Mong Mao Ldng, 
" a very different place) was captured by a Chinese army, under 
"the command of a General called Yang Chang-soo " (the Theinni 
manuscripts seem to call him Wang Chung-ping or S6ng-ping), 
"and the King Soonganpha with his eldest son, Sookeepha" (these 
would appear to be Hso H6m Hpa and Hso Kep Hpa, but the 



Story is very involved), " fled to the King of Pagan or Ava for pro- 
*' tection. They were demanded by the Chinese General, to whom 
" the Burmese surrendered them, and were carried into China, from 
"whence they never returned.** 

On this Mr. Ney EHas remarks : — 

"So far will be sufficient to follow Major Pcmberlon's story, for it is 
"evident, even from these few incidents, erroneous though some of them 
''are, thai this Manipuri histnry of PAng is simply that of the Mau Shatis, 
" antedated by nearly five hundred years at the commencement. The error 
" doubtless arose in the first instance from the absence of an intelligible 
"chronology in the original Shan record, and for want of fixed points in 
" the contemporary annals of neighbouring countries by which to set up 
" land-marks ; but however this may be, we see that on aniving at the death 
** o( Chau-ugan-pha Major Pemberton's date is only about one hundred 
'* years in arrear uf the correct date and that some four hundred years have 
*' had to be distributed over tJie reigns of the intervening Kings. Thus it 
" is (hat twelve Kings are made to reign for 587 years, or an average of 
" nearly forty-nine years each ; the thirteenth Murgnow (a name impossible 
"to recognize) reigns for the astounding period of one hundred and ten 
"years, the fourteenth for thirty-one years, and the remaining ten lor 507 
"years; giving an average for the whole twenty-four of very nearly fifty- 
" one and-a<half years, or more than double the usual period and sufficient 
" in itself to show the erroneous nature o( the story from a chronological 
•'point of view," 

And if Major Pemberton's report has failed in this respect, it 
has hardly been more successful in fixing the site of the capilal of 
Pong. " To the Munnipoorees," he says, "the whole country un- 
"derits ancient limits was, and is still, known as the kingdom 
*' of Pong, of which the city called by the Burmans Mogaung, and 
" by the Shans Mong Mao Rong, was the capital. But Mung 
" Mao or Mung-iiiao-lung (great Mong Mao) exists to the present 
" day under this same name on the Shweli." 

Mr. Ney Elias' information was picked up in Mong Mao, where 
the Shan chroniclers made that out to be the capital of the Shan 
States generally. The Hsen Wi Chronicle claims that honour for 
Hsen Sb or Hsen Wi. As a matter of fact, it seems very improba- 
ble that there ever was one capital unless perhaps Tali-fu. Major 
Hannay savs the people he converged with assigned " the south-west 
"corner ol the province of Yunnan as the seat of the Empire 
" (of the P6ngs), and the capital Kai Khao Mau Loung was said 
" to have been situated on the Shweli river, or Lung-shu6 of the 
" Chinese (the present Chinese name is Lung Kiang), which falls 
" into the Irrawaddy in latitude 24** north." Mr. Elias identifies 
this Ka-kao, or Ma-kao Mung-lung with Mong Mao, but as a 
matter of fact it is simply Mong Hkao (the old city), Mong Long 
(the great city or country). 




Into the subject of the origin of the P6ng nation Major Pember- 
ton does not enter, but alludes briefly to the traditional accounts 
given of themselves by the Ahoms to Dr. Francis Buchanan Hamil- 
ton in the early years of this century, a people whom he rightly 
reg'arded as springing from a common origin with the inhabitants 
of P6ng. Dr. Buchanan Hamilton's original writings are much scat- 
tered and difficult of access, but an apparently full prfecis of his re- 
port on .^ssam is given by Montgomery Martin I Eastern India iii, 
600 et seq.), from which the following account is epitomized : — 

" Many years ago two brothers called Kliunlat ard Khuntai descended 
from heaven and alighted on a hill named Chorai Korong. situated in the 
Fatkoi range, south from Gorgango, the ancient capital of Assam. Kbua- 
lai taking witl\ htm some attendants and the god Cheng (Seng, the image 
of one of his female ancestors) went towards the south-cast and took pos- 
session of a country called Nnra [this is also called Tai LAng (or^at Shans) 
and was called by their neighbours of Kasi or Moilay {i.e., Manipor) the 
Kingdom of P6ng], which his descendants continue to govern. Hkuntai 
remained in the vicinily of the hill Chorai Korong and kept tit his posses- 
sion the god Chung (Sung, the image of one of his mate ancestor^}, who is 
still considered by his descendaals as their tutelary deity. IJr. Uuchinan 
believes the ' heaven ' to mean some part of Thibet bordering on China, 
but the original word, whatever it may have been, he continues, has, since 
the conversion of Khuntai's descendants to !irahmanism, been translated 
sroorgo (heaven) *t * « Xhe original territory occupied by Khun- 
tai included two very long islands formed by branches of the Brahma- 
putra, together with some oT the lands adjacent on both banks of that great 
river. The names of thirteen princes in regular succession from father to 
son are given, but no dates or indications from which dates could be infer- 

Here there is a sufficient general resemblance in the general 
story of Khun Lu and Khun Lai to establish a common ori^n, 
though names and details differ. Francis Gamier obtained a* simi- 
lar tradition of the origin of the Lao race along the Mekh»ng ; in 
fact it would appear that each separate section of the Tai race, 
thoui^h they acknowledge in a general way a common origin and 
have a common legend, place the scene both of the origin and the 
fable in their own particular region. Carnier's story, told in the 
Voyage d^ Exploration, &c., i, 473 is that, after a god called Phya 
Then had created the heavens and the earth, there were three 
princes, named respectively Lao-seun, Khun Khet, and Khon Khan, 
who founded kingdoms {ties muongs) and who were exhorted by 
Phya Then to live in peace and to honour the spirits of the dead. 
He was not obeyed, however, and after punishing the inhabitants of 
the earth with a deluge (this also appears in the Kcng TQng his- 
tory), in which ^eat numbers were drowned, the survivors begged 
for mercy and Phya Then sent them Phya Kun Borom to govern 
them and Phya Pitse Nu-kan {le grand arckiiecte dtt del) to spread 



abundance in the land. Kun Borom founded Muong Then in Tong 
King (perhaps this is the Muong Theng first occupied in 1887 by 
the French). Ho had seven sons, who founded various kingdoms 
as follows 1^— 

(r) Kun Lang, who founded Muong Choa. 

(2) Kun Falang, who founded Muong Ho (this is the name the 
Lao Shans giv* to the Yiinnanese: Muang HawJ. 

(3) Kun Chon-soung, who founded Muong Keo, or Annam. 

(4) Kun Sai-fong, the founder of Muong Zuon (r.ff., Mong Y6n- 

(5) Ngou-en, who founded either Muong Poueun (perhaps the 
present Muang Phuen north of Luang Prabang) or Ayuthia, i.e,, 

(6) Kun Lo-koung, who founded Muong Phong or Muong Sai- 
koun (Saigon). 

(7) Kun Chclcheun, who founded Muong Kham Kheut Kham 
Muong or Muong Poueun. 

Here again appears a suggestion of the common Tai folks-myth 
slightly varied by the different branches of the race, while each 
branch applies it to the country which it knows. The most singular 
fact about the Shans, however, is iliat the one settlement which has 
maintained its independence as a kingdom and has become civilized 
beyond all the others, the Kingdom of Siam, should contribute ab- 
solutely nothing towards tracing the origin of the race. So far as 
appears, the Siamese have no history worthy of the name earlier 
than the founding of their first national capital, Ayuthia, towards 
the beginning of the fourteenth century of our era, and " the best 
'* authorities believe the Siamese to have migrated, only shortly be- 
" fore the founding of Ayulhia, from the hill country towards the 
" north and to have displaced the aboriginal Karens, by whom the 
" country now called Siam was inhabited." 

With regard to the name of P6ng there can be little doubt that 
it is merely the Manipuri appellation for the whole of the once 
united Shan States of L'pper Burma and Western Yunnan. The 
name is not known to the Shans themselves any more than it is to 
the Burmese, the Chinese, or the Kachins. There can be little 
doubt that it was the mediaeval Shan Kingdom called by the Chinese 
Nan-chao, which is the Carajan of Ser Marco Polo, while the second 
chief city called by the same name is doubtless Tali-fu. This 
Kingdom of Nan-cnao had existed in Yunnan since 738, and pro- 
bably had embraced ihe upper part of the Irrawaddy valley, for the 
Chinese tell us it was also called Maung, and it probably was iden- 



tical with the Mung Maorong of Captain Pemberton. The city of 
Tali was taken by Kublai in 1254. The circumstance that it was 
known to the invaders (as appears from Polo's statement; by the 
name of the province, is an indication of the fact that it was the 
capital of Carajan before the conquest. 

We may now proceed to consider the evidence collected by Mr. 
The Kingdom of E. H. Parker as to the earlier* history of the 
Nan-ehao. Shans. What follows is taken from his book, 

Burma with special reference to her relations "with China, and 
from a mass of translations which he has made of the Chinese an- 
nals of various border States, 

Mr. Parker says, quoting chiefly the annals of the Chinese dy- 
nasty of T'ang, a book a thousand years old :— 

'' The Chinese had clearly defined relations with the Shan or Ailao Em- 
pire of (modern) Tali-fu In the first century of our era, and in A, D. 90 
(elsewhere the date A. D. 97 is given) one Yung Yu. King of T'an, sent 
tribute to China through the good oltices of the Aiiao, receiving an olBcial 
seal from China. The Chinese seem to take it for granted that Yung Yu 
of T'an was of the same race as a later Pyfi (Burmese) King named Yung 

[Since, however, they transformed Aungzeya, the assumed name 
of Alaungpaya, into Yung Tsihya and connected him with the 
same Vung " family," the coimecting link is of practically no value. 
In any case, Mr. Parker thinks that the T'an State really lay much 
farther west than Burma and was only originally known to China 
because its envoys approached China through Burma and Yiinnan.] 

Mr. Parker continues — 

*' The Ailaos were next calird Nan-chao when they re-appcared upon 
the Chinese political stage. There can be no question 01 identification, for 
the Aniiamese stUl call the Laos of Upper Siam by the name Aiiao, and 
the Chinese tell us that Nan-chao was the ' southern ' or JVan of the six 
C/iao or 'princes,' adding that C/iao was a barbarian word for prince," 
[It is so still in Siamese and I-ao Shan, The British Shan form is Sao]. 
" Nan-chao we are toid bordered on Magadha, which quite explains how the 
Kshatriya princes could find their way by at least one route to Burma. 
To the south-west were tlie t*iao (still proiiuuticed Pyu in Cantonese, 
which is the best Chinese rcpresetitalive dialect). During the 8th century 
the T'upo (usually now called T'ufan) or Thibetans "itruggled with China 
for mastery over Nan-chao and the Nan-chao King Kolofung annexed both 
the Pyu and also part of Assam. It is from this time only that trustworthy 
Burmese history can be said to begin, just as genuine Japanese history be- 
gins in the fourth or fifth century, when relations with China had become 
constant. From this period India may be said to disappear as a political 
factor from Burmese history.'* 

But even earlier than this the Chinese had come into contact 
with the Shans and Burmese. One hundred years before the Chris- 



tian era, the Chinese Han Emperor, Wu Ti, sent an expedition to 
Tien (which Mr. Parker notes is a name still applied to Yunnan 
in the literary style). It may be assumed that the King of Tien 
was a Shan. His capital was at Peh-ngai, and this was an im- 
portant Shan centre 800 years later. At any rate the King of Tien 
became an ally of the Chinese, and joined them in suppressing the 
K'uu-ming tribe. This name K'un-ming is still applied to a lake 
near Yiinnan-fu. Mr. Parker is of opinion that the name of Wu 
Ti, or Imperator martialis, is the origin of the name Uti or Udibwa 
applied by the Burmese in official correspondence to the Emperor 
bi China. This Emperor left a name in China not inferior to that 
of Cssar in Europe. 

It appears to be certain that about A. D. 50 the Ailao king 
Hien-lih, while engaged in warlike operations against a neighbour- 
ing tribe, trespassed upon Chinese territory. He was attacked and 
with all his band, estimated at about 18,000, became tributary to 
China. After this numerous other chiefs of neighbouring tiibes sub- 
mitted with their people and together made up a population of about 
half a million, who were grouped together to form the prefecture of 
Yung-ch'ang. One of the first Chinese Governors of Yung-ch'ang 
entered into a treaty with the Ailao, according to which each male 
had to pay a tribute of a measure of salt and two garments, " with 
a hole in them for the head to go through." Later Governors did 
not retain their hold and there were numerous frontier wars with 
China. There seems reason to believe that, at this time, the Bur- 
mese or Pyu, as distinguished from the Talaings or Mon, were 
more or less under the power, or influence of the Shans, or at any 
rate were connected with them in some way, and therefore it is 
possible that the King of T'an, Yung Yu, who sent tribute to 
China in A. D. 97, and received an official seal, was a King of the 
I3urmesc. But since " it is perfectly clear from Chinese history 
" that adventurers from India founded kingdoms in Java, Malaya, 
" Camboja, and Ciampa, and it is also clear that envoys or mer- 
" chants from Alexandria, or some other Roman port, visited China 
*' in A. D. 166," it seems unnecessary to insist upon the identity 
of T'an with Burma. The envoys of Marcus Aurelius reached 
China by way of Ciampa, then known as Jlh-nan, but more an- 
ciently known as Yiieh'shang, which the Chinese confuse with Mien- 
tien, a quite modern name for Burma. The Roman emissaries or 
merchants called their country Ta-ts'in, and Ta-ts'in conquerors 
went to China with Yung Yu's envoys previous to the visit of the 
Ta-ts'in envoys to China through Jih-nan. Hence probably the 
confusion. The presents of these envoys were called tribute ac- 
cording to the engaging Chinese habit and T'an may as well have 



been Alexandria as Burma. The envoys may be supposed to have 
landed in the Talaing Kingdom and lo have marched from Moul- 
mein through Chlengmar and Chieng Khoni;" to Muang Theng or 
Laichao and so on to Vinh on the coast of Annam. Mr. Parker, 
from whose account this is condensed or adapted, continues : " China 
" was shortly afterwards (A. D, 220; split up into three empires, one 
*' of which was Sieng-pi Tartar (a Tungusic dynasty akm to the 
" modern Manchus). Accordingly the Ailao drop out of sight for 
"some centuries, until at last the powerfuT Chinese dynasty of 
" T'ang consolidates the empire into one cohesive whole again. 
" But the celebrated Chu-koh Liang, a general serving one of these 
" three great empires, which was practically the modern Sz-ch'wan, 
" did a great deal of solid work in Yunnan When I entered the 
" first gorge of Sz-ch'wan, 10 years ago, I found that stories about 
" Chu-koh Liung were repealed as if he had lived only a hundred 
" years ago. If my memory does not fail me, a town not far from 
" Momien (Teng-yiieh) was, and perhaps is, known to tradition as 
" the city of Chu-koh Liang. He died in A. D. 232 and the 'in- 
" 'vasion of the Chinese,' under the third king of the old Pagan 
" dynasty, mentioned by Captain C. J. F. S. Forbes, doubtless 
" refers to him. For 400 years after this there is a complete blank. 
" The Ailao have now (A. D. 650) become the Nan-chao." 

The Nan-chao Empire was extensive. It touched Magadha on 
the west, so that the relations of both the Burmese and Shans with 
India, which are referred to by the late Captain Forbes and rejected 
by him as too traditional for belief, may very nell have been true 
and would be worthy of credit, if they were recounted in a less le- 
gendary form. On the north-west Nan-chao reached Thibet, from 
which kingdom the Burmese are assumed to have come. To the 
south was the " Female Prince State, " a name then applied lo Cam- 
boja, whose queen married an Indian adventurer. The occurrence 
of female rulers among the Shans is, however, far from uncommon, 
though when the lady entered into a formal alliance she usually 
yielded direct authority to her husband. It was otherwise when she 
contented herself with mere butterfly connections. On the south- 
east of Nan-chao were the Tongkinese and Annamese, then called by 
the Chinese Kiao-chi, "splay toes," a name which implies that 
Chinamen wore shoes and the Tongkinese did not, though it does 
not explain why the Tongkinese should have received the nickname 
to the exclusion of all other races which went barefoot. To the 
south-west were the P'iau (the Piu of the Cantonese), that is to say, 
the Burmese. The T'ang Dynasty Annals give no boundaries to 
the north or north-east, presumably because the Nan-chao Empire 
was considered a part of China. There were two chief towTis, one at/ 



or near, ihe modern Tali-fu, the other somewhere near the modern 

*' The Nan-chao Empire seems to have been highly organized. 
" There were Ministers of State, censors, or examiners, generals, 
'' record officers, chamberlains, judges, treasurers, sediles, ministL-rs 
*' of commerce, &c., and the native word for each department is 
" given as shwatig.'^ Tliis may or may not be a Chinese perver- 
sion of the Shan /fsiittg, or f/seti, officials whose duties now-a-days 
are provincial rather than metropolitan. " Minor officers managed 
" the granaries, stables, taxes, &c., and the military or^;anization was 
*' by tens, centurions, chiliarchs, deka-chiliarchs, and soon. Mili- 
** tary service was compulsory for all able-bodied men, who drew 
" lots for each levy. Each soldier was supplied with a leather coat 
*' and a pair of trousers. There were four distinct army corps or 
" divisions, each having its own standard. The king's body-guard 
*' were called Chu-nu katsa, and we are told that katsa or katsii 
" meant leather belt. The men wore chuti, helmets, and carried 
" shields of rhinosceros hide. The centurions were called Lo-(sa- 
" tss." These names, if they really were Shun and not Chinese in- 
ventions, have been lost since the Shans ceased to be a conquering 
power. " Land was apportioned to each family according to rank : 
" superior officials received forty shwang or acres (the tone of this 
" word being unlike the tone of the first-mentioned word shuan^). 
" Some of the best cavalry soldiers were of the Waug-tsa tribe, west 
" of the Mfekhong. The women of this tribe fought too, and the 
" helmets of the Wang-tsa were studded with cowries." Mr. Parker 
thinks these may have been the VVa, but this can hardly be. The 
modern \Va have nn ponies and look upon ihem as highly dangerous 
animals. The Shans and the hill tribes generally are as poor horse- 
men now as the Gurkha is. 

" There were six metropolitan departments and six provincial 
" viceroys in Nan-chao. The barbarian word for department was 
" kien." This is obviously the keng of present times, which in 
Lao Shan and Siamese becomes chieng and along the Mfekhong is 
frequently pronounced, and sometimes written, sieng, whence the 
French form xiettg. The Burmese transformed it into kyning. 
The forms kaing and kiang are freaks of the British military oih- 
cer and of railway promoters. The word may be compared with 
the \Va ken, meaning a circle, or community of villages under one 
chief, as in lien Tail and Wa Pet Ken, beyond the Nam Hka 1 he 
term is also used in Kokang in the circles of Ken Pwi and Ken 

" It is unnecessary to enumerate all the Nan-chao departments; 
*' but it is interesting to note: Peh-ngai, the capital of the King 



" of Tien, Yunnan ; Mfing-she, (he ancient seat of the M^ng family 
" of Nan-chao rulers [this is doubtless the modem Mangshih, called 
" by the Shans Mong Hkawn ; the term ' Mt^ng family' is due to 
" the wooden-headed Chinese persistency in ascribing clan names 
" to the Shans, which induces them to transform the title Sao 
*' into Sz or Su and call it a family name. M^ng is doubtless the 
" Shan Mong, a State or fortified town] ; and Tai-ho (Tali-fu)." 

" The people were acquainted with the arts of weaving cotton 
" and rearing silk-worms : in some parts — the west of the country — 
" there was considerable malaria, and the salt-wells of K'unming 
" or modern Yunnan-fu were free to the people. West of Yung- 
" ch'ang a mulberry grew, the wood of which was suitable for 
" making bowls, and gold was found in manyparts, both in the sands 
*'and in the mountains West of Momien (T't^ng-Yueh) the race of 
'* horses was particularly good " (probably Tawng Peng Loi L6ng 
is meant). 

" When the King sallied forth, eight white-scallopped standards 
" of greyish purple were carried before him; two feather fans, a 
" chowry, an axe, and a parasol of king-lishers* feathers having a 
"red bag. The Queen-mother's standards were scallopped with 
"brown instead of white. She was cidled Sin Afo or Kiwrno, and 
"the Queen-wife was called Tsin-wu" ("the chief wife of a Sawbwa 
"of the present day is called the Maha Dewi)." 

As a special mark of honour, the chief dignitaries wore a kimpo/o, 
or tiger-skin, which suggests the modem t/ia-mwe htggyi or fur 
coat, formerly only worn by officials. The women's hair was 
gathered into two locks and plaited into a chignon : their ears were 
ornamented with pearls, green-stone, and amber. Female morals 
were easy previous to marriage, but after marriage death was the 
penalty of adultery. It took three Nan-chao men to drive an ox- 
piough : one led, one drove, and the third poked up the animal. 
All ranks, even the nobles, engaged in this leisurely agricultural 
work. There were no corvtes^ but each man paid a tax of two 
measures of rice a year. 

The history of the Chinese dynasty of T'ang gives a list of the 
kings of what it calls the Royal Family of Mt^ng. The record of 
these is complete after about the beginning of the seventh century 
of our era. From this list Mr. Parker developes a curious theory 
that "each son takes as the first syllable of his own name the 
" last of his father's." Thus Tuh-lo is succeeded by Lo-sheng- 
yen, and he by Yen-koh. This idea of hereditary syllables seems 
to be purely fanciful, or an invention of the Chinese mind, devoted 
to ancesLral worship. In mod«rn days the Shan takes his name 
on much the same system as the Burman, without any reference to 



the name of his father, and in any case the Sawbwas are always 
known by a title, assumed after their accession. This has no con- 
nection with ihijir birth name, and to use the latter is, with the 
Shans, as it is among all the other Indo-Chinese races, if not a 
crime, at any rate an insult. 

The names given arc so disguised as to be almost beyond recog- 
nition ; much as Symes called a Myosaye a Me-wjerry and another 
writer playfully converts Upa-raza into Upper Rodger. However 
that may be, it is recorded that towards the. middle of the eighth 
century King Koh-lo-feng made T'ai-ho (Tali-fu) his residence ; 
Tai-lio mtians great peace in Chinese, and it may thus be compared 
with Yan Gon (Rangoon).' The further statement of the Chinese 
Chronicles that the Shan word for " peace " is Shan-po-t'o, and that 
this name was adopted after a successful war, gives one pause. 
The whole of the names are a sort of missing word puzzle and very 
much of an y^lia itElia crispts riddle character. 

Koh-lo-f6ng received a title from China and succeeded to his 
adopted father's throne in A.D. 748. A war with China now took 
place, owing to the imprudent behaviour of a neighbouring Chinese 
Governor, and the result was that Koh-lo-fi^ng styled his kingdom 
the Great Mt^ng Empire, and threw in his lot with the Thibetans, 
who conferred upon him a seal and the title of btsanpo-chung, 
or " Younger brother Gialbo," i.e., ruler equal to the ruler of Thibet, 
hut ranking slightly after him. Koh-lo-ftng caused a marble 
slab to be engraved with the reasons which drove him lo revolt, and 
this tablet M. Emile Rocher says, in his History of Yiinnan, is still 
pointed out in the suburbs of Tali-fu. He does not mention 
whether it is in Shan or Chinese character, or indeed whether he 
actually saw it, and it is mentioned by no one else. 

China was in dtflficultios with the Turks at this period, and Koh- 
lo-f^ng took advantage of the opportunity to annex parts of the 
Empire, besides the land of the Pyu, the Burmese, and thatof Sun- 
chwan, which would appear to have been an Assamese tribe. It 
is noted that polyandry existed among the people to the west of 
them. These tribes lived in cage-like houses, were scattered about 
without any central authority, clothed themselves with bark, and 
practised no agriculture. 

The Chinese made several attempts to subdue Koh-lo-f^ng, but 
met with successive defeats on the Hsi-^rh river, and on his death 
he was succeeded by his grandson I-mou-hsiin, whose mother 
belonged to the Tuhkin race of savages. I-mou'hsiin, however, 
had been taught by a Chinese literate Ch'eng-hui and was a man 
of some education. He found the Thibetans very troublesome and 




inclined rather to be task-masters than allies. They established 
ganisons at all important points, levied men to fight their wars, 
and taxed the country very heavily. He, therefore, listened all the 
more readily to the advice of Ch'eng-hul and opened up com- 
munications with We Kao, the Chinese Governor of Ch'eng-tu, the 
capital of the modern Sz-ch'wan province. A letter was sent to 
Wei Kao, in which I-mou-hsiin Complained of the tyranny of the 
Thibetan Blon or Governors and explained how it was that his 
grandfather had been really forced by ill treatment to abandon 
China. He wound up the letter by suggesting that the Ouighour 
Turks should be directed to join him and China in an expedition 
against Thibet. 

At that time the Ouighours. through whom the modern Mongols 
and Manchus derived their letters, were in occupation of parts of the 
modem Kan-suh Province, wiih their capital at the present Urumtsi, 
where they had (or a considerable length of time been under the 
influence of the Nestorian Syrians. A Syriac stone still exists at 
■ Si-an Fu in Shen-si Province, and Ouighour letters are probably 
merely a form of Syriac. 

The correspondence resulted in a treaty, four copies of which 
were drawn up at the foot of thf snow-capped hill of Tien Ts'ang, 
which dominates the modern Tali-fu. One copy was sent to the 
Emperor of China, one was placed in the private royal temple, 
one in the public stone temple, and one was sunk in the river. U 
mou-hsun then put all the Thibetan officials in the kingdom to 
death and their army was defeated in a great battle at the "Iron 
bridge," possibly that over the Salween, in West Yunnan. The 
Emperor then sent I-mou-hsun a gold seal recognizing him as 
King of Nan-chao. The Chinese Envoy, Ts'ui Tsoshih, was re- 
ceived at T'ai-ho with great pomp. Soldiers lined ** the roads and 
"the horses' Iiarness was ablaze with gold and cowries. I-mou- 
" hsiin wore a coat of gold mail and tiger-skin, and had twelve ele- 
" phants drawn up in front of him : he kotowed to the ground, 
" facing north, and swore everlasting fealty to China. Then followed 
"a great banquet, at which some Turkish women presented by a 
"former Emperor sang songs. Their hair was quite white, as 
" they were the only two survivors of a once large musical troupe.'* 

I-mou-hsiin now entered upon a career of conquest and, besides 
uniting the six Shan principalities into one, annexed a number of 
neighbouring States, some of whom are stated to have lived in raised 
houses which suggests Upper Burma, while others varnished or gild- 
ed their teeth, a statement which immediately recalls the Mongolian 
Province which Ser Marco Polo visited four hundred years later. 



I-moii-hsun sent his sons to be educated at Ch'6ng-tu Fuln Sz-ch'- 
wan and became more and more bound to China. The Thibetans 
were again defeated, and amongst the prisoners taken were a number 
of Abbasside Arabs and Turkomans from Samarkand. About this 
time a Corean General in Chinese employ had carried the Chinese 
arms into Baiti and Cashmere, and the Abbasside caliphs had re- 
gular relations with China, [t is, therefore, clear thai there were 
Mahomedans in Tali-fu even before the time of Prince Kublai and 

(•moU'hsiin died in A.D. 808 and was succeeded by sons and 
grandsons, who did no credit to their Chinese training. One of 
them was killed by his own general, who aftertt'ards marched on 
Ch'$ng-tu Ku and carried off a number of prisoners, among them 
skilled artisans, who " placed Nan-chao on a par with China in 
" matters of art, literature, and weaving," 

In 859 A.D. one Ts'iu Lung, who seems to have been a Shan 
cfEcial rather than a member of the '* family of M6ng," became 
ruler of Nan-chao, assumed the title of //'ivang-ii {Emperor), and 
with an energy equal to his arrogance, declared war on China, 
besieged Ch'eng-tu, and before he had to retire, left "eighty per 
*' cent, of the inhabitants of certain towns in Sz-ch'wan with 
** artificial noses and ears made of wood.*' He did not take 
Ch'eng-tu Fu, but he conquered Chiao-chih (Kfe-sho, the modern 
tHanoi) and overran Annain. But the war which he began, and 
tis son and grandson continued, ruined Nan-chao, and in 936 
A.D., after some ephemeral dynasties had ruled over what they 
called the ^reat Ch*ang-ho State, the great T*ien-hing State, 
and the great i-ning State, a Chinese official Twan Sz-p'ing, 
who may have been semi-Shan, established himself as King of 
Ta-li. Mr. Parker says *' this is the beginning of the tributary 
"State of Ta-li. It must be mentioned, however, that China 
"was again divided into two empires. First the Kitans and then 
"the r^uchens (ancestors of the Manchus) ruled in the north, 
" and the Sungs, with capital at Hangchow, ruled south of 
"the Yangtsze. Hence we find that the Russians still call the 
" Chinese Kitai, it being with the Kitan dynasty that they first 
" had relations. Marco Polo's J/(7«.?/ is the Southern Empire of the 
" Sungs, it being still the custom fur Northern Chinese to apply the 
"term Man-lsz, or barbarians, to the Southern. This epithet no 
" doubt dates from the time when the Shans, Annamese, Miao-tsz, 
"&c., occupied nearly all South China, for it is essentially to the 
" Indo-Chinese that the term Man-tsz belongs." 

It seems certain that the Nan-chao Empire now split into two. 
At any rate the country round Ta-li became more and more Chinese, 



while the western portion, which is no doubt the Kingdom of Pong 
of the Manipur Chronicle and of the list of his conquests made by 
Anawra-hta, remained Shan and split up into a variety nf States, 
possibly every now and again united under some energetic Saw' 
bwa of one State or the other. Kublai conquered the la-Ii State 
in 1254 and put an end to the Twan family. He put the King's 
Ministers in charge with the title of Ssiian-fu-shih or pacificator, 
and left to them the duty of subduing the neighbouring tribes. 
This seems to be the origin of the similar titles now bestowed on the 
Chinese-Shan Saivbroas. Mr, Park(;r says " This brings us to the 
" period whence the history of the border Sarobwas begms. Even 
*'now the southern portions of Yunnan are in part administered by 
"Shan Sawbwas, ,0V by Chinese adventurers, who have become 
" Shans in character. The centre of Slian power was slowly but 
" surely driven south. As Captain Forbes very judiciously suggests, 
" ' previously to the destruction of the Pagan monarchy in A.D. 1 284, 
*' ' theTai race, of which the Shans form a branch, had been gradu- 
*" ally forced out of their original seat in Yunnan by the advance 
"'of the Chinese power under the great Rmperor Kublai Khan. 
*' ' It was about this time that a portion of the race formed the King- 
" * dom of Siam.* Dicu Van-tri, the Chief of the Muong Shans (of 
" Tong King) is not a Shan, but a Canton Chinaman named Lo, 
" who still iiolds the Ming seal, and has always rejected the over- 
" tures of the Manchus. The name Dieu is simply the surname 
" Tao given by the Chinese," 

Among the early pacificators or conciliators was the Ssuan-fu- 
skill of Luhch'wan, which Mr. Parker thinks was "probably the 
" Chinese name for the Shan Kingdom of P6ng, for many P6ng 
"events and names described in the Manipur Chronicles tally, ex- 
" cept as to date, with similar events and names described in the 
*' Chinese Chronicles of Luh-ch'wan, which State then included the 
" present Chinese 5"rfS'^a'rtships of Lung-ch'wan and M6ng Mao, at 
"least, if not more. The only other Chinese protected Sawhwa' 
"ship which dates from 1260 is that of Kan-ngai, or Kan-ngeh, 
"as the Mongol history writes it. Both these States were sub- 
" ordinate to the Mongol Military Governor of Kin-chi'ih, or 
"'golden teeth/ generally and probably rightly considered to be 
"the Zardandan of Marco Polo. The modern Burmese-protected 
"Shan Sawhwashi^ of North Hscn Wi, called Muh-pang by the 
"Chinese, also submitted to the Mongols, who passed through 
" it on their road to attack Annam. It becomes a question whether 
"the P6ng State of the Manipur Chronicle did not rather refer to 
" Hsen Wi, which originally included Meng*mih or Mong Mit. 
" Be that as it may, during Kublai's reign the whole of the Shan 
" 5tfw^3i;aships included between Manipur and Annam were at least 



"nominally subject to the Mongol dynasty of China." The 
disintegration of the Shan Kingdom of Nan-chao open^^d up the 
way to Hurma and led to the expeditions which resulted in the 
overthrow of the Empire of Pagan by the Chinese. Mr. Parker 
doubts whether the Mongols ever got to Pagan, srill less to Tar6p- 
maw, but thinks it possible thai Shan nuxiliaries may have done so. 
The Hsen Wi Chronicle, translated above, practically says that this 
was the case. 

The Shans were unable to hold their own against the Chinese or 
were weary of the constant fighting in Nan-chao and so spread 
south-east, south, and south-west. Thus were formed the various 
Lac States, Luang Prabang, Nan, Chiengmai, and Ayuthia, the 
capital of Siam itself, where Paliegoix places the commencement of 
Shan domination or occupation in A.D. 1350, while In Burma the 
Shans established Themselves at Pinya, Myinzaing, and Sagaing 
in addition to the more northerly districts which had probably 
always been within their territory. The Burmn, that is to say, 
the country ruled by the Burmese of those days, was a petty State, 
no more powerful than Pegu, or .'\s<;am, and certainly not to be 
compared with the Nan-chau Kmpire. At the same time that the 
three Shan usurpers displaced the Anawra-hta dynasty of Pagan, 
another Shan adventurer named Magadu from Chiengmai established 
himself at Martaban as King VVareru of Pegu, and this Wareru dy- 
nasty maintained itself from A.D. 1287 to 1540. It had no re- 
lations whatever with China, but seems to have been tributary to 
the Shans of Ayuthta, that is, to the Siamese. This no doubt ac- 
counts for the statement in the Hsen VVi Chronicle that Maw-la- 
myeng was a tribuiar}^ State of the Shans of the north. 

Mr. Parker says " the Shan or Thai race was thus in the thir- 
*' teenth centur)' supreme in Siam, and nearly all over Burma, ex- 
" cept in Taungu, whither a large number of discontented Burmans 
*' took refuge. The northernmost Shan States were at the same 
" time, at least nominally, under the over-rule of the Mongols of 
" China. A short paragraph in the history of the Chinese Ming 
"dynasty (which succeeded the Mongol dynasty in 1368) says that 
*' the Mongols ' appointed Comforters of Pangya and other places 
"'in 1338, but withdrew ihem in 1342.' Doubtless this means that 
"both the Panya and Sagaing houses accepted Mongol vassal 
" titles for a short pciiod. Meantime what Colonel Phayre calls the 
*' ' Mao Shan from Mogaung ' carried war into the Panya do- 
" minions, and carried off the king (1364). Colonel Phayre also 
"quotes from the 'Shan Chronicle discovered by Pemberton at 
'" Manipur in 1835,* an event 'not noticed in Burmese history. 
" 'About 133a a dispute arose between the King of Pong {so the 



" ' Chief of Mogaung is termed) and the Governor of Yunnan. A 
" ' Chinese or Mongol army invaded the country, and after a slrug- 
"'gle of two years the capital of Mogaung was taken. The King 
" ' Sungampha flud to Sagaing, and on demand was surrendered to 
" 'the Emperor of China. The sons of Sungampha succeeded to their 
" ' father's kingdom.' Here again we shall be able to show that 
" Colonel Phayre has been misled by placing too much faith in thie 
"Shan Chronicles. Not only does Burmese history not mention 
"any such event at that date, but the Mongol history fails to nien- 
" tion it too, though we have seen that the Mongols had officers 
"stationed in Burma between 1338 and 1342. The fact is the 
" Manipur Chronicle is exactly a century wrongand the whole story 
"belongs to the period [432 — 1450. ' Sungampha, King of Mo- 
" gaung ' was really Szjcn-fah, Sa'ivb-wa of Luh-ch'wan. The 
"Chinese annals of Momien gives the whole storv most intelli- 
"gibly. He attacked the^awia'rtships of Nantien, Kan-ngai, Mo- 
" mien, and Lukiang, in consequence of the Chinese Ming Emperor 
" having first deprived him of his Chinese vassal title for impro- 
" perly fighting with Muh-pang (Hscn \Vi), and, having next placed 
"Luh-ch'wan under the Chief of Mtng-yang (to which probably 
" M^ng-kung or Mogaung then as afterwards found an appendage) 
" Sz-jen-fah, i>., the Phra Sz-jen, thereupon took possession of 
" Ming-yang. He apologized in 1443, but the Chinese declined to 
"compromise and demanded hisextradition from Burma, This was 
"granted in exchange for the promise that Meng Yang (Mohnyin) 
** should be given to Burma." 

Mr, Parker is certainly right as to the date. The mistake of 
Colonel Phayre arose from the Shan custom of counting by cycles^ 
(explained above) instead of by era. But the whole story is told 
by Ney Elias of Chau Ngan Pha of Mong Mao. We thus have a 
comparison of names: Sungampha is Chau Ngan Pha or Sz-jen- 
fah and the Hscn \Vi Chronicle makes him Sao or Hso Ngan 
Hpa, while the Burmese call him Tho Ngan Bwa. Moreover, the 
Kingdom of Pong would seem to be a convertible title for Mogaung, 
for Mong Mao, or for Mr. Parker's Luh-ch'wan. The conclusion is 
irresistible that the Kingdom of P6ng was a general title, like 
Prester John, for whatever Shan State happened to be most power- 
ful or most prominent for the moment. Where the original Kingdom 
of Pong was ^unless it was Nan-chao) and where it had its capital 
at any particular time can apparently only be ascertained by a 
coileclion of all the histories of the greater Shan Stales when 
these can be obtained. Mr. Parker practicallv admits this when 
he says " the Pong State of the Manipur Chronicle was more 
"probably Luh-ch'wan than Muh-pang, although Muh-pang 


37 1 

" (Hsen Wi), orMfingPang is to the ear the more suggestive name. 
" Luh-ch'wan, however, is a purely Chinese designation, and it is 
"quite possible that il, as well as what the Chinese call Muh-pang, 
"was included in the region called P6ng by the Manipur Shans. 
" At any rate the boundaries of the then Shan States were bewilder- 
" ing and Icaleidoscopic in their changes. Su-ngam is plainly Ss-jen, 
" the characteryVM having still the power Nyim or Ngiang in certain 
" Chinese dialects. That fah means pbra {Hpa in Shan ; Btua in 
''Burmese; as in Sao-hpa, 5(77ri7t'ff) is plain : firstly, because ihe 
" Momien annals speak elsewhere of a Shan Satshwa arrogating to 
" himself the title o\fah and, secondly, because other Chinese books 
" speak of Sz-j^n, Sz-ki, and Sz-puh (which it may be noted in Shan 
"would be Sao Ngan, Sao Hki, and Sao Pu) without adding the 
" syllableyff// at all. Finally, Colonel Phayre tells the same story 
"over again from the Burmese history under date 1444, where 
"5z-j6n is called Tho Ngan Bwa, Sawbtoa of Mogaung (the 
" Burmese th and the Shan hs, it may be remarked, are identical 
"characters) and remarks in a note: 'The circumstances here 
" ' recorded have some resemblance to the events of A.D. 1332-33.' " 

If follows therefore that, while the history of the Shans remains 
to be written, the history of Burma, as at present accepted, requires 
a certain amount of emendation, and that Chinese contributions 
imply such mental gymnastics that careful editing is required. 
The reference of the Ming history to Mien-chung (Central or 
Middle Burma) is particularly interesting, since it shows that the 
Mien State of those times was a mere fragment of the old and 
independent Mien dominions of Anawra-lita and that the Shans 
were the dominant power. The *' Khun-mhaing-ngai Shan Chief 
"of Un-Boung," whose name puzzles Mr. Parker so much, was 
Hkun Mong Ngoi, of On Pawng. which was the old capital of the 
modern State of Hsi Paw. Detalh will be found in the history of 
Ong Pawng Hsi Paw. The only thing that is clear is that in the 
hands of the Shan Chiefs the fragments of Burma changed rulers 
in a ivay which can only be understood when more materials than 
are at present available are gathered together and tabulated. 

Mr. Parker has thrown much light on the history of the Shans 
by his translations (rem the Chinese. If it be granted that these 
annals have at least some of " the empty, anachronous, and bom- 
"bastic pride*' with which he so sweepingly charges all Burmese 
history and what Shan Chronicles are known, it may be possible to 
construct a "less hazy and mangled account of the rise and pro- 
"gress of Burma" than at present exists. 

His conclusions may be accepted : " The Burma df the Pvu was 
" at first under the tutelage of India, subject at times to the fitful 



" military domination of the Shans. After a brief spurt of national 
" g^oT under Anawia-hla (or Nawrat'a Menzaw as he is also called) 
"and his grandson Alan£[sithu, the Burma of the Mien fell under 
" the tutelage of China, subject again at times to the occasional 
*' military domination of the Shans. A second spurt of patriotic 
"life took place under Tabeng Shwe-t'i, the ' Brama King of 
" Pegu,* who, though of Burmese race, was a product of Taungu, 
"and was not of the ancient royal Burmese lineage, nor were ms 
" successors legitimately born to him. Then followed depopulating 
"wars between Peguans and Burmans, with Siam and the other 
" Shan States, with Aracan, Manipur, &c., during which transition 
" period civih'zation retrograded, and Europeans began to intervene. 
"A third spurt was made by the Alompra family. Chinese in- 
" fluence was gradually thrown off under the Emperor Tao-kwang, 
"though it is true complimentary missions were sent in 181 1, 
" 1820, 18.^0, 1833, 1834, and 1843 and British tutelage took its 
" turn. Like the Chinese, who, with intervals of national dynasties 
" under the families of Han, T'ang, and Ming, have passed haU 
** their time under Tartar rule, or concurrently with it, so the Burmese, 
"with intervals of glory under the Anawra'ta, Tabeng Shwe-t*i, 
"and Alompra houses, have passed half their time under Shan 
"rule, or concurrently with it. The neighbouring Hindoos, 
" Annamese, Cingalese, Cambodians, &c., have been snuffed out of 
"political existence in common with Burma, and the Shans or 
" Pais, though weakened by distribution over China, Tong King, 
" British Burma, &c.,are the only one of the competing races in the 
"peninsula which has maintained, under the name we give them of 
" Siamese, an independent political existence to the last." 

All this can only be called a preparation for a history of the Tai 
race. In British territory apparently no rerords exist. All have 
been burnt. It is possible ihat really old histories may yet be 
found in the Shan-Chinese Slates. Up to now all that can be con- 
sidered to be established is that the Kingdoms of Nan-chao, Pong, 
and Mong Mao Ldng are different names for the same empire and 
that the Tai race came very near to being the predominant power 
in the Further East. 

The relationship of the Tai to the Chinese races seems un- 
mistakeable and appears no less clearly from 
their personal appearance and characteristics than 
from I heir language. They have been closely 
connected with the Chinese as neighbours and, at one time or 
another, as rivals or subjects for many centuries ; but this does not 
seem ennugli to accoutit for all the affinities which exist. The 
research, which has not been long begun, points distinctly to the 

Tai racial charac- 



fact that the Chinese and the Tai belong to a family of which the 
Chinese are the most prominent representatives. Physical resem- 
blances are most conspicuous among the Tai Hki, the Shan Chinese, 
who are nearest to, and perhaps in, the home of the whole race, 
but they are carried on through those of the Tai, who have been 
most influenced by the Burmans, to the Lao and Lu, whom the 
M6n races have affected, down to the Siamese who have been 
modified by the Cambodians. Since the Mon and the Karen are 
also nearer or farther relations, the greatest divergences should 
appear among the Burmese Shans. But even among them type of 
face, shape of eyes, and complexion all point to an affinity with China. 

Mere similarities of words do not prove race descent, but they 
help towards it. It is not enough to say that Afa both in Chinese 
and Shan means horse, that p'ing and ping mean level, tsao and 
sao early, liang and ling light as day, and that wan means 
bowl in both languages, or that the Chinese chih is very like the 
Shan word se for paper, and that kuan and hkun mean practically 
the same thing, nor is the fact that six out of the ten primary 
numerals in Tai and Chinese are very nearly the same, necessarily 
conclusive. Nor is it enough to quote Monsieur Terrien when he 
says that the proportion of the respective loan words between " the 
Taic languages " and Mandarin or Standard Chinese reaches a total 
of three hundred and twenty-five out of one thousand words which he 
compared. But when we find that in addition to this the grammati- 
cal structure of sentences in Chinese and in the Tai languages is 
the same and quite different from that of Burmese and the Thibeto- 
Burman languages generally, there is strong presumptive proof of 
relationship. The place of the object of the verb and of the 
possessive in Shan are identical with the Chinese instead of being 
inverted as in Burmese. Moreover, the use of couplet words of 
related meanings used together is characteristic both of Chinese 
and of the Tai languages. In these phonetic couplets one word 
has the dominant meaning and, as Dr. Cushing saySj the other 
word seems to be a shadow word used for the sake of euphony. 
Thus the Chinese say lu'dao for a road, and the Tai tang-ksin, 
where /m and tang are the words with the inherent meaning. Dr. 
Cushing*s opinion is that " these shadow words (in Shan) are pro- 
" bably words emptieSof their ancient signification, for some of them 
"are found to be in use in Chinese dialects, where they have the 
*' same meaning as the substantial word in the Shan phonetic coup- 
" let. Thus ka in Shan means ' to be shiny * and the phonetic 
"couplet is ka-ki. In Shan ki has no apparent meaning, whereas 
" in Chinese ki has the meaning ' to be shiny.' " When all these 
points of similarity are taken into account, the conclusion that 



t^i tto»ER B'UlCsiX GAZETTEER. [CHAP. V|. 

Chinese and Tai are sister languages is irresistible. Whether 
Karen and M6n-khmer will also turn out to have been derived front 
the same common stock is not so clear, bat it seems very probable. 

The country between Assam and China is the point from which 

„. „^ __ a number of ereat rivers start southwards in paral- 
The Shan country. • . . r . ■ i • 

' lei courses, at hrst within a very narrow span 

of longitude, and afterftards spreading out into a fan which covers 
the country from the Yellow Sea to the Bay of Bengal. They all 
ran in deep narrow rifts, and the ridges which separate them continue 
to run southwards almost as far as the rivers themselves and in chains 
almost as sharply defined as the river channels. These mountain 
ranges widen out as the river valleys widen, and lose their height 
as tributary streams break them up into herring-bone spines and 
spurs, but they still preserve the same north and south direction, 
though here and there they re-enter and form the series of flat- 
bottomed valleys, or wide straths whicli make up the Shan States. 
Of all the rivers the Salween most steadily presents its original 
character and flows swiftly through a deep narrow gorge between 
high ranges from its source till it reaches the plain land which it 
has itself piled up over the sea in the course of ages. 

It runs nearly through the centre of the British Shan States and 
they are situated towards the fringe and nearly in the centre of the 
fan, which has for its ribs the Brahmaputra, the Irrawaddy, the 
Salween, the Mfekhong, and the Yang-tze. The Salween with its 
mountain banks has always formed a serious barrier, so that the 
branches of the Tai race on either side differ in dialect, in name, and 
even in written character, but their general features differ no more 
than the appearance of the country, which is simply a plateau rough- 
ened by mountain chains splitting upland running into one anothef; 
while still preserving their north and south tendency. The gen- 
eral height of the plateau is between 2,000 and 3,000 feet, but 
the cross ridges and the drainage cut it up into a series of val- 
leys or plains, some long and narrow, some rounded like a cup' 
some flattened like a saucer, some extensive enough to suggest the 
Irrawaddy valley on a miniature scale. It is no doubt this physical 
character of the country which has affected the national character 
and has prevented the Tai from living at peace with one another 
and uniting to resist the encroachment of ambitious neighbours, 
It also made obvious and easy for the conqueror the old maxim 
divide et impera^ the more so since the hills everywhere are in- 
habited by various tribes all more or less wild, 

The Tai are seldom found awav from the alluvial basins an(J do 
not look upon themselves as a hill people at all. The larger plains 




are intersected with irrigation canals, while in the smaller the 
streams are diverted by dams into channels which water the slopes, 
or bamboo wheels are used where die river-hanks are high and th6 
extent of flat land justifies it. Everywhere the cultivation is more 
careful and laborious than in Burma, and in many places cold sea- 
son crops, such as tobacco and ground-nuts, are grown. The most 
extensive rice-plains are those of Mong Nai, Lai Hka, Hsen Wi, and 
"Vawnghwe, and there are many other States, where though the 
area is smaller there is wet cultivation far beyond the needs of the 
working capacity of the population. 

In some parts, as in the Myelat, parts of Mong Nawng and Kehsi 
Mansam and in South Hsen vVi State east of Loiling, comparatively 
tdry uplands have been cultivated so regularly and for so many 
[years that hardly a tree is to be seen except in the village enclo- 
sures and about the religious buildings. Here, except in rare 
fsirips along the banks of the streams, the cultivation is all dry, 
what is called hai'm Shan and taungya in Burmese, and the same 
hai cultivation is practised on the hill slopes. In such places, 
though rice is usually the chief crop, cotton, various leguminous 
crops, ground-nuts, and the like, are largely grown. Chillies, onions 
and such products attract the attention ofsome districts, sugar- 
cane, as in the Yawnghwe neighbourhood, of others, while the tobacco 
of the Lang K6 valley in the Mawkmai State is celebrated through- 
out the hills. In Loi L6ng Tawng Peng very little, but tea is grown, 
and this is also the main cultivation of the Pet Kang district of 
Kcng Tung and of a few circles elsewhere. 

Everywhere there are large numbers of cattle, and it seems pro- 
bable that some of the more easterly Cis-Salween States, wnere 
there is much grazing country, will devote themselves more and 
more to cattle-breeding. Buffaloes are chiefly used for agricultural 
work and bullocks as transport animals. Some areas, such as the 
Myelat, Kehsi Mansam, Tang Yan, and Mong Keng arc full of cara- 
van traders, and they outnumber the agriculturists pure and simple, 
but there are pack-bullock owners in all parts and agriculture is the 
general industry. The manufacture of coarse paper from the bark, 
and of pottery of al! kinds, whert: the soil is favourable, occupy the 
inhabitants of whole districts here and there. Thus, though nee is 
grown everywhere, it is very unequally distributed and there is con- 
sequently a very considerable carrying trade within the limits of the 
■Shan States themselves as well as with the plains of Burma. No 
caravan is allowed to enter Loi L6ng Tawng Peng which does not 
bring an amount of rice proportionate to the number of pack-bullocks 
and, though the rule is not so strict in the tobacco-growing Lang 
Kd valley, or in the paper manufacturing tracts of Keng Lon in 



Mong Nai, motives of self-interest practically impose it upon the 
caravan traders. 

In the deep narrow valleys of tributaries of the Salireen there are 
many orange groves. The most noted, however, are those of Kantu 
L6ng {Kaaug)'i) in the Mawk Mai Siate, where the fruit has a size 
and a flavour uneoualted not only in the Shan States, but in the most 
famous groves of Senile, or Florida, or of China. Otherwise the 
country is poor in fruit, though the mangoes of Mawk Mai are 
almost equal to those of Mandalay. Peaches, plums, pears, cher- 
ries, and apples grow wild, but they are seldom eatable and never 
good. At heights of 3,500 feet and upwards raspberries grow 
abundantly and, after a few showers of rain, will bear comparison 
with those grown in English gardens. Blackberries are found, but 
are verv woody. The walnuts in the Shan Slates mostly come 
from China, but there is at least one large walnut forest in the Wa 
States, on the western slope of Nawng Hkeo hill. 

Much valuable timber exists in the forests of Karenni and in the 
States of Mawk Mai, Kcng Tawng, Mong Pan, Lawk Sawk, Hsi Paw, 
and in Mong Pu, but the teak has been worked in the most ruinous 
way, so that in some places the forests are permanently mined and 
in others the British occupation came barely in time to save them. 
Most of the other timber is only used locally and cannot be export- 
ed at a profit. Of forest produce stlck-lac is the chief. Cutch is 
hardly boiled except on the western fringe bordering on Burma. 
Since the British occupation the cultivation of potatoes has been 
greatly extended and improved in the Southern Shan States and the 
growth of wheat has been begun by Mr. Hlldebrand, As roads are 
improved and extended and markets opened, both of these promise 
to bring much money into the States. At present the cost of car- 
riage hampers their development. 

The great majority of the tribes on the hills only grow hill-rice 

for their own eating, but some of them cultivate 
Crop* of ihc hill cotton for export and all of them grow poppy. 

Opium is not grown for sale, west of the Salween, 
except on Loimaw in South Hsen VVi and a few other circles, but 
east of the river the district of Kokang grows a very great deal and 
enormous quantities are produced in the Wa States and among the 
Northern La'hu. The wild Wa live chiefly on beans, the La'hu on 
maize and buck-wheat, and the Mung on Indian-corn. Any rice 
they grow is for the manufacture of liquor. In the more settled 
parts the hillmen grow a good deal of cotton for export, but most 
of them are content with growing enough of this, or of vegetables, 
tobacco, or surplus opium to supply themselves with salt, beyond 
which they want little from the outside world. None, except the 

Chap, vi.] the shan states and the tai. 


Kachins here and there, own pack cattle and they never go beyond 
the local market at the foot of their hills and there frequently not 
oftener than once in the month. A few of the nearer Kachins own 
a pack bullock or two and travel considerable distances, but other- 
wise none of the mountain people show trading instincts. 

The Shans on the other hand are great traders, but usually only 
_, , on a very petty scale, partly from want of capital 

Shan trade. j i ■ n i ^-i •. *. i 

and chiefly because until quite recent years the 

roads were either very unsafe or were so burdened with tolls and 
exactions that profit was nearly impossible. Since the pacification 
of the country the volume of traffic has steadily increased and pro- 
mises to become very considerable. Under native rule the Natteik 
pass and the Hsum Hsai, Hsi Paw, Hsen Wi tracks were the chief 
trade routes, but there were a number of other smaller passes used 
all along the line of hills from Bharao to Toungoo. Many of these 
were execrably bad, but they were used to avoid the extortions of 
the Burmese officials. When the demands became very great on 
one route it was disused for a season or two and the caravans went 
some other way. 

Since the opening of the railway to Mandalay and the construc- 
tion of cart-roads from Meiktila to the headquarters of the Southern 
Shan States and from Mandalay to Lashio, these Government roads 
attract all but the purely local traffic, and are constantly used except 
when the rains make them impassable. The chief exports are pickl- 
ed and dry tea, bullocks, ponies, skins, horns, crude sugar, leaves 
for cheroot wrappers, potatoes, lac, and a variety of fruit and other 
miscellaneous articles. The imports are chiefly cotton and silk 
piece-goods, yarn, twist, salt and salted-fish, betel-nuts, brass and 
'Other metals, and earth-oil. 

Caravans go down to the plains from all parts of the Cis-Salween 
States. The country beyond that river is usually served by an en- 
tirely different series — some belonging to the west, some to the east 
of the Salween. The only caravans which go all the way through 
are those of Chinamen and Hui Huij who use pack mules and 
therefore go much faster and farther. Some of these are settled 
in the Shan States at Pang Long, Loi Maw, Kehsl Mansam, 
Na wng Wawn, and other places ; but the majority of them lie up for 
the rains in different parts of Yunnan. Parties of konhap^ pedlars 
or hucksters, go in larger or smaller companies, not only over all the 
British Shan States, but to Nan, Hpr^, and other of the Siamese 
Shan States, and at one time many went as far as Luang Prabang 
(Mong Long Pa Wang). Latterly, however, French bureaucracy 
has frightened them out of this. The trading instinct is very 



Strong and will inevitably bring much more money into the country 
than would be possible if the people were purely agricultural. 

Coal has been found in many places in both the Southern and 
„. J Northern Shan States, but as far as has yet been 

ascertained most of the fields are of poor quality 
and in fact it would appear rather to be lignite than coal. The 
researches made as yet have been, however, rather superficial and 
limited, and it is possible that when the Mandalay-Salween Railway 
is opened, the Lashio and Nam Ma seams will be found to be more 
valuable than at present is thought. Lead is worked in Maw Son 
and Kyauk Tat in the Myelat and at many other places, notably 
at Kat Maw near Takut. Silver is also abundant. Thq great 
Bawdwingyi mines in Tawng Pen^ have been unworked for over a 
generation, but there are very rich mines in the Nam Hka valley in 
the Wa country and silver ornaments are universal and abundant 
all over the hills. Gold is washed in very many streams, but so far 
no specially rich deposits have been discovered. There are tour- 
maline mines in Mong Long, but they are not formally worked, and 
the rubies found there and in the Nam Mao (Shweh) are of poor 
colour and size. 

The great number of ruined cities and the wide extent of ground 
Old T • t I which these covered show that at one time the 
Shan States must have been very much more po- 
pulous and more prosperous than they are now. The number of 
them is partly accounted for by the Indo-Chinese habit of having 
a new capital for every ruler of particular note or energy, or for a 
new dynasty. A reference to the Hseii Wi Chronicle will show that 
even in comparatively recent times the capital was frequently chang- 
ed. But it is ihe oldest cities which were the largest in extent and the 
most formidably defended. The situation of these seems to show 
the line of Tai movement and the places which they held in the 
days of their independence. Thus they are frequent in the North- 
ern Shan States in many parts of Hscn Wi. It will suffice to men- 
tion Sh Lan, Pang Hkam, Mong Si, Wing Sang, on which Mong 
Yaw now stands, and Wing Hpai, where the ramparts, hundreds 
of years old, were still strong enough to keep out the Hsi Paw 
Sawb-wa^s robber bands in 1887. The line of them then rather 
trends to the south-eastward. There are a few, but not so many, 
in the Southern Shan States. Near the SaUveen the nature of the 
country contracts them to mountain fastnesses rather than walled 
cities, but towards the Mfekhong they again appear, some of them 
in the depths of almost impenetrable jungle like Wing Kfe on 
the Nam K6k, others hidden in seas of elephant grass like Chieng 

CHAP. VI.] tHK Siikii STX-rkfe Xnij tkz tai. 279 

Hsen, until, in the Siamese Shan States, they become as numerous 
as they are in the neighbourhood of the Nam Niao. 

There is nothing so tantalizing as the absolute ignorance of the 
people as to everything but the names of these ancient cities, and 
nothing that is so calculated to excite despair as to the possibility 
of writing a history of the Tju. In the midst of a forest, which 
might almost be called primeval, the traveller comes upon a 
vallum, on which there are trees of 8, 12, 15 feet girth. Exami- 
nation shows that it encloses a space from half a mile to a mile 
and a half square and that round the outside runs a moat 15 feet 
or more wide and 10 feet deep, but filled now with great forest 
growth or cane-brake, instead of water. The mouldered rampart 
IS 10 to 20 feet hif;h and must have taken thousands of men 
years to build up. Yet now there is absolutely nothing inside it, but 
blank jungle, unless other ridges show that there was an inner city, 
or that the whole was divided into three compartments, as seems to 
have frequently been the case. Here and there a tumulus suggests 
that there may have been a brick building, a palace, or a pagoda, 
or a refuge tower, but the pipul trees have strangled it and the 
white-ants have covered it with earth. It is possible that some of 
these may have been like the woodland fastnesses of the Cells, which 
Caesar describes in Britain, designed to afford the people a retreat 
and protection for themselves and their flocks in times of invasion, 
but it seems more probable, in the absence of all reference to such 
works, that they were really once cities. Nothing can be more 
complete than the effacement of all trace of human dwellings in 
Chieng Hsen and S^ Lan, which we know to have been powerful 

Some of these monuments to the vanity of human wishes have 
not even names of their own now. Of others it is said that they 
were Chinese cities, which we know from the business-like, if vain- 
glorious, Chinese annals to be quite untrue. The Lao of the Sia- 
mese Shan States are particularly fond of ascribing their erection to 
the Lawa. The wild Wa are undeniably skilled in defensive forti- 
fication of a kind, but it is of an entirely different character. The 
commonest answer, however, is that the constructors were the nagas^ 
" Gorgons and hydras and chimaeras dire." Where the ruins are 
not more than a couple of centuries old and are admittedly Tai, all 
that one can learn is that they have not been inhabited for, say. fifty 
generations, and that they were depopulated during the wars. As 
the Burmese overran the country they took care to demolish the 
walled cities, and practically the only one which remains in the Bri- 
tish Shan Slates is that of K€ng Tiing, which is not very old and 
id distinctly dilapidated. 



The S o u t hern 
Shan States. 

In what is for administrative purposes called the Southern Shan 
States, Burmese suzerainty was enforced From a 
much earlier date than in the Northern Shan States 
charge. In fact it seems by no means impossible 
that the M6n, or the Burmese, held the Southern Shan States 
before there were any Tai there. All the Southern States, 
where they have histories at all, refer to a time when ihey got 
their Saivbwas from the north, mostly from Mon^ Mit, that is to say, 
from some part or other of the Nam Mao Tai Kingdom. The con- 
jecture may therefore be hazarded that the Tai only came to the 
south to the States of Lai Hka, Mong Nai, Yawng Hwe, and so 
forth after the Kingdom of Ta-li was broken up by Kublai Khan. 
Their traditional histories all refer rather to visits in Sekya Hpaung- 
daw, aerial barges and what not, of Pe^uan or Pagan Kings, than 
to the Ilkun Lu and Hkun Lai, the Hfao-mongy and the like of the 
Northern States- Where they have any history at all, the earlier 
portion is all taken up with Burma rather than with the region we 
know the Tai race came from, until the time when the Mao Shans, or 
their tributaries, or offshoots, the Mogaung and Mohnyin Sawdwas, 
conquered Upper Burma and ruled there as kings for a time. It is 
precisely at this period that we find Saw 6was coming from the north 
to the Southern States, Theuld families are said to have died out, 
or intrigue at Ava imposed a new line, or there were matrimonial alli- 
ances ; any sort of a tale is told except what seems possibly the true 
one, that the Tai only came south in force at this time. This may be 
only conjecture, but, if it is not the case, the singularity of the facts 
will have to be proved by details which are not yet availatle. Who 
were the aborigines of these Southern States if this theory is correct 
is no less of a puzzle, but the balance of probability seems to be that 
they were Karens. If further investigation proves that the Cambo- 
dians, the Hka Muk, the Wa, Palaung, and cognate tribes are of the 
Mon race which has been asserted, then this race may have been the 
predecessors of the Tai. But it seems more probable that the 
Karens were displaced by the Shans. The presence of the Red 
Karens and the Taunglhu seems to point to this and especially 
the conflicting traditions of the latter. The people of Thatdn in 
Lower Burma relate that they came from a place of that name in 
the hills. The Taunglhu of Hsa Htung (the Tai form of Thaton) 
say they came from Tenasserim. Both may be right. The 
Karens may have been driven south by the Talaing or Burraan 
Kings and later may have rc-colonized their original home or rein- 
forced the remnant that remained there. 

However that may be, it is quite indisputable that the Kings of 
Burma received tribute and controlled successions in the Southern 



Shan States long before they had any permanent control in Hsen 
Wi, where their first exercise of authority was no earlier than 
A. D. 1604 or 1605, when the Mao Shan Kingdom came lo an end. 
From that lime ihe Tai were never free from Burman interference, 
however little the suzerainty may have been ac- 
n B c a y irf Siian knowledged in the remoter States to be of prac- 
'*'*^*^* tical effect. In the Southern States it very soon 

became an active and oppressive reality, dwindling gradually to the 
eastward and to the north-east, but for manv years constantly 
creeping on, notwithstanding the enterprise of the Chinese from the 
other side. In these three centuries at any rate, the power and 
prosperity of the Tai principalities steadily declined. They were 
worn down not only by the aggression and rapacity of the Burmese 
and Chinese, and by the intestine wars, in which there is abundant 
proof that they always indulged, but by the advances of the Kachins. 
Whether these hillmen were crushed out by the Chinese, or whether 
over-population forced them to migrate, it is certain that for the last 
two centuries they also have passed south-eastwards and have driven 
the Tai from much territory between China Proper and Burma, 
until Shan names of mountains, streams, and villages are the only 
remaining witnesses of former occupation. The once powerful 
States west of the Irrawaddy now only possess a mea^e and much 
Burmanized population, while the border principalities to the east 
from Hsum Hsai to Yawng Hwe, and in a lesser degree even to 
Mong Nai, have suffered almost as much from the deliberate policy 
of the Burmese Kings and have only survived because they had the 
mass of their fellow-countrymen behind thorn- 
No connected history of these two, or two and a half centuries 
can be written because there was no cohesion or connection. What 
details have survived must be picked out under the heads of the 
various States. The Burmese policy was not by any means direct- 
ed to maintain peace and quietness. The sons or brothers of the 
ruling SawlfTvas v^tre always kept at the Avan Court, not only as 
hostages for the good behaviour of the Chief of the State, but that 
they might be reared under Bunnan Influence and withdrawn from 
sympathy with those of their own race, so that when they in time 
came to rule, their loyalty to the suzerain might be ensured ; more- 
over, the policy was to foster feuds between the different Sawhwas^ 
and rival aspirants were left to settle their claims lo the succession 
in a State by force of arms. The victorious claimant might be 
confirmed as Sawtwa by Royal patent, but he would not be, unless 
he was able to pay for it, and when the civil war was over, his forces 
were too exhausted to permit him to resist Burman demands. 
If a Chief seemed so prosperous that he might become impatient 



of Burman control, conspiracies were fostered against him. Such 
troubles were easily managed among a hot-tempered people, such 
as most hillmen are. There was probably never a time when the 
gates of the temple of Janus were closed, when there was peace in 
all the Shan States. Consequently there were permanent bands of 
marauders or dacoits, collected from all parts, who were always 
ready to take the opportunity for indiscriminate plunder which the 
disturbed condition of some State might offer. In this way it was 
not uncommon for a prosperous and populous district to be utterly 
deserted for a time owing to these internal troubles, and the State 
of Hsen Wi, which till the middle of the century was the most 
powerful of the States, is the most notable example. Besides all 
this, or rather in consequence of all this, there were frequent, more 
or less extensive, rebellions against the royal authority, Some of 
these were soon put down. Some, like that in Hsen Wi, dragged 
on for years. The extraordinary thing was, and it was pointed to 
as the justification of the Burman policy, that other States always 
willingly supplied armed contingents to suppress the rebel for the 
time being. Such risings were always put down in the same way. 
Towns and villages were ruthlessly burnt and everything portable 
was carried off. It is little wonder therefore that the greatest of the 
modern Shan capitals would hardly form a bazaar suburb to one of 
the old walled cities. 

The chief seat of Burmese administration m the Shan States was 
Burmeae adminis- at Mong Nai and the title of the Burmese 
traiive system. Resident was Bo'kmu Mintha, but he was 

seldom, if ever, in permanent residence. Dr. Richardson, who visit- 
ed the Shan States in 1837, gives the following account of the 
system {Parliamentary Papers, 1869, under date in the Journal 
aoth February): — 

" Tlie Bokmoo Mengtha Meng Myat Boo (General Prince Mcng Myat 
Boo, a half-brother of the King's son of a Shan Princess), the General who 
commanded at Melaun during the late war, is, and has been since the 
peace, governor of all the Shan countries from Mobie nominally, but really 
from Molcmai, south, to the Chinese frontier, north, and from Nattike, the 
top of the pass from the valley of the Irrawaddee, up to the Shan country, 
west, to three days beyond the May Koong tBroad river), or great Cambo- 
dia River, east. He himself generally resides In ,\va, but visits his Oov- 
crnmcnt occasionally, in one of which visits he rode from Monay to Ava 
in three days. His deputy, who constantly resides in Monay, leaving 
as usual his family as pledges in Ava, is the Tsetkay Daughee, who has 
several officers under him ; and there are nt the court of each of the other 
Tsoboas two Tsetkays, also .ippointed from Ava. These Tsetkays, parti> 
cularly the chief one, lord it ov»r the Tsoboas ; to him the chief 'authority 
belongs and all the external relations of the country is committed; and 
the royal orders are sent to Monay, from whence they arc forwarded by 



the Tsetkays; bnt the Monay Tsoboa has no authority to call any of the 
others. The lesser Tsoboas have no Tsetkays and are looked upon as 
merely Afyotsas." 

The manners and pretensions of the Sikk^ are described under 
the date February a2nd. — 

" I sent the Shan interpreter and some of the most respectable of the 
traders to notify our arrival to the Tsoboa or Tselkay Daughee and claim 
protection from the raoh. They were stopped by the latter Chief, 
nhose house was nearer us than the Tsodoa's, He qaestioned them 5n 
the most arrogant manner as to who they were, where from, and what they 
wanted. They said they had been sent by me to the Tsoboa or himself 
to notify my arrival ; told him who I was, and that I had a letter and presents 
for the Tsoboa from the Commissioner of Moulmcin, by whom I had been 
sent on a friendfy mission to open tbc gold and silver road trade. They also 
explained to him that we were not aware of the existence of his appoint* 
ment till we reached Mokmai, and at the same time begged that he would 
send some one to keep the people from crowding on the tent, as they were 
doing, with which request be at once complied and sent a Taungkmoo, and 
some people armed with' rattans to drive them out; to the first part of the 
message he replied that 1 should not see the Tsoboa until he was fully 
informed of our errand, that we had no right to enter the Kingdom by this 
road,, that Barney, as he called the Resident, was at the goldi^n footstool, 
where we ought to have gone and begged permission before coming here. 
In the evening a Seray, or Secretary, came out to my tent ; he mentioned to 
the people outside, though not to me, that he had been sent by the Tsetkay, 
He was dressed in a handsome and heavy fur jacket, with the hairy side 
in, though the thermometer in the tent was about 86°. I discovered after* 
wards that this was a sort of official dress with all the Government officers 
here, though I should think anything but pleasant in tiiese latitudes. He 
questioned me as to what 1 wanted here, and wished to know why I had 
not brought letters to the Tsetkay, &c. 1 told him my visit was a dis- 
interested one, for 1 wanted nothing but to open the gold and silver road 
that the people here might exchange what they did not at present want 
wilh our peoples for what they did, 10 get the protection of the Govern- 
meni here for our people who might hereafter come on the same errand, 
to assure them of the good feeling towards them at Moulmein, and to pro- 
mise protection and facilities for traders to their people visiting it, &c. I 
explained again the reason of my coming unprovided with letters to the 
Tsetkay, Stc, by the fact of the Commissioner of Mouhnein not being aware 
of the existence of such an officer, &c. My visitor had served in the late 
war ; he had been a sort of Aide-de-camp to the old General of the Shans, 
Maha Nay Myo, &r. ; had taken part in the affair at Wattigam, and bore a 
part at Zirabike, when the old General was killed, with several of the Shan 
Tsoboas and two of the three wives of the Laygea Tsoboa who, dressed in 
male attire, were for some superstitious cause expected fo have done good 
service against our troops at the seven stockades near Rangoon. The 
Burmans suffered most severely here, ; the Shans, who had not engaged 
us before, were not prepared to run away soon enough. He gave a sad 
description of their sufferings from cholera and starvation for many days 
after the storming of their stockades. His visit lasted about an hour and 



a half. We parted scrcat friends and he continued daring my stay most 
attentive and friendly." 

The Sikk^ was, however, very much the reverse. He first insisted 
that Dr. Richardson *' must, according to custom on visiting the 
" Chief, first go to the Yeum-dau (the Lum, or court-house), where 
'* there would be an assemblage of all the lesser Chiefs ; here taking 
"off my shoes, I must wait til! Meng Nay Myo Yadza Nf)rata(the 
" Secretary) should report my arrival to the Tsetkay at his own 
" house, and return to conduct me there, from whence I should pro- 
'* ceed to the Tsoboa's place." This Dr. Richardson refused to do 
and said that in Ava " 1 had never taken off my shoes, but in the 
" palace, the houses of the princes, and at the Hloat-dau^ where I sat 
" side by side with the Woonghees" This demand was therefore 
dropped, but when he went to the Lum the Sawb-wa was not there 
and he *' was stopped outside the flank about a foot high {Coonfsen), 
" which surrounds the central pillars of the Veum, and requested to 
" seal myself there. Close to me were all my own people and the 
" people of the town ; inside the flank before mentioned were the 
" Tseikny Daugkee, Meng Myat Boo's representative (and Gover- 
*' nor in his absence of all the Shan Stales) ; the royal Tsetkay, an 
*' old man whom I took for the Tsoboa, two NakhanSy and two Bo- 
" dha-ghees. Meng Nay Myo (the Secretary) seated himself by 
" me." The Sikke then " commenced conversation in a most insuU- 
" ing and overbearing strain, which he kept up during the whole 
"interview. He told me I had trespassed in coming here without 
" an order from Meng Myat Boo and the King, through Barney, 
" the Resident," and continued to say much more that " was exceed- 
ingly discourteous to use the mildest term." Dr. Richardson pro- 
tested against this style of reception a day or two later through his 
interpreter, and the St'kk^ moderated his tone " and told him that 
" as they were situated here, a very few Burmans amongst a con- 
" querea and distinct people, the customs were necessarily different 
" from what they were in Ava ; that the Tsoboa, whom J should meet 
" today, was never allowed to come inside the Coontsen • • • 
" As the Tsoboa was to sit outside, of course I could make no 
" further objections." 

The Sawbtoa accordingly came '* with four gold chattahs and 
" about 50 or 60 men armed with muskets, das, and spears, and 
" a number carrying thanleafs. When the old gentleman came 
" in I bowed to him, which he returned and seated himself close 
" beside me. The morning was cold, and either from that cause 
" or agitation he trembled considerably." When the letter was read 
the Sawdwa said he had already heard of the contents ; that " he 
" was the King of Ava's slave and afraid of rendering himself liable 




** to punishment {yasawot) if he allowed me to proceed." Accord- 

in^^ly Dr. Richardson was delayed considerably over a month in 

M *15ng Nai. His relations with the officials and with the Sawbwa 

foar^unately greatly improved in that lime. The latter is described 

" ^m^ s a man of perhaps 68 years of age, of the common height 

" <r:> l Burmans, fair even for a Shan, though those on this side of the 

'• i==alween are much darker then to the eastward, notwithstanding 

" t liat they are a few degrees farther north ; his manners are mild 

" ^a.nd gentlemanly. • » • His boa or palace has a gilded roof 

" «:>f five stories; the pyaihai or royal spire, surmounted by a hii 

*' Cjhatiah) orgilded iron ornament so called ; the hall in which I was 

received, about 40 feet square exclusive of a large verandah which 

surrounds it ; the centre portion, a square of 30 feet, is raised 

^bout 18 inches, with four rows ol pillars, which support the high 

■~oof, three in each row and 10 feet apart ; the innermost four of 

the two centre rows are gilded, and the Yasa Bolen (throne), 

'^'hich is a very handsome one, is lower and of better proportions 

than those of the Siamese Shan Tsoboas I have seen. The gold 

^ippears burnished at the distance at which I sat, though the art 

of burnishing is not known to the Burmans. At each side of the 

throne stood a large white muslin umbrella, furled, with two rows 

of gold plate attached to fringes near the outer edge ; on it were 

a. small gold crown, a sceptre, a cho-ivree^ an ottar daun, and the 

foval red velvet slippers, forming the five insignia of royalty 

{A^fettg Hmeauk Yasa Ngaba). The only other furniture in the 

Toora was a gilded chair and a common clumsy Burman bed- 

j stead. There might be about 100 muskets ranged in different 

'p'Si.rts of the hall." 

Il3r. Richardson was told that at this time the Burman force 

'n^imtained in the Shan States was about 10,000 men, that there 

*^^^ 13 Sawb7vas, four of them beyond the Salween, and that the 

Cot~*tingents they were expected to furnish to the Burmese Govem- 

tnerit amounted to over 90,000 men. While he was still in Mong 

N^ the Sawbwa was ordered to proceed to Ava in person with a 

tboiisand men to aid in the suppression of Prince Tharrawaddi's re- 

b^Mion, The State of Keng HQng was said to be the most popu- 

\ous and that of Ilsen Wi the most extensive, The Sawbioaoi the 

fatter State was murdered about this time, "beaten to death with 

*' clubs by his Shan subjects at a f>oe, to which he had gone with 

''a few followers. He was the son of the last Tsoboa (a perfect 

"savage) by a Burman woman he saw only for a few days at Ne- 

"aong Ewe. After his birth the woman married a Rangoon man, 

" where the boy followed her, and was loose in the country for some 

" years. He then came to Ava and entered himself among the 



" young Prince's followers. His father dyln^ without other known 
" children, he was raised to the Tsoboaship about six years ago. He 
" was a confirmed bad character and, Hving about the palace in Ava., 
"had learned, with the vices of the capital, drinking and opiuin 
" smoking, to consider himself more as a Burman than a Shan, 
" and had imbibed the Burman contempt for the latter, by his oppres- 
" sion of whom he had succeeded in making himself so detested 
" that his death as related was the conseauence." This showed 
how one Shan State was going to ruin and tnat the largest. Of af- 
fairs in Miing Nai the picture is no less suggestive. Dr. Richardson 
says the Shans " complain much of the oppression and insolence of 
" their Burman rulers. The members of the Tsoboa's families are 
" frequently insulted in the streets if ihey go out without their gold 
" ckatfahs or attendants. The Burmans, who are very numerous 
" here (of an estimated total of i,6oo houses, 350 were Burmese) 
*' live entirely on the natives, contribute nothing to the expenses 
" of the country, or to the occasional royal exactions of money, 
" the levying of which is the province of the Tsoboa, Many of 
" them, styled Keun'dau-myey not even called soldiers, have no 
" means of subsistence but preying on the natives, and many acts 
" are committed with impunity by them, which are severely punished 
*' in the Shans, who complain they are looked on as little better than 

If this was the state of affairs at the centre of administration, it 
may be imagined that it was certainly no better elsewhere. A con- 
siderable military force was also maintained at P6yak6n, opposite 
Mong Pai, whither the Myelat IVun moved his headquarters after the 
Myingun rebellion had stirred up the Red Karens to special activity. 
It may be noted that the men here at the time of the British an- 
nexation were Myedu people, and the policy always was to keep the 
soldiers as far as possible away from their homes. Smaller detach- 
ments were stationed in other parts, and every chief or, at any rate, 
every Sawbwa had a resident Burmese official to keep an eye on 
him. Beyond the Salween, however, the Sawbwas were much more 
independent and in fact paid very little attention to the orders of 
the Burmese residents. In fact de Carne says that the Burmese 
officers' dislike and antagonism to the French excited the anger and 
opposition of the Chief, who actually showed the utmost courtesy 
to the French party out of sheer obstinacy. 

The character of the local Government, however, depended large- 
ly upon the personal character of the native Prince. Notwithstanding 
Burman supervision, the Saivbwa always retained the general ad- 
ministration fif the affairs of the people and the collection of taxes, 
and the Shan Chiefs always assumed the same insignia and habits 



of royalty as the Burmese Kings, The chieftainship was hereditary, 
but the appointment of the successor from a Saivbwa^s family rested 
with the King of Burma. The Sawb-xas all had powers of life and 
death and were virtually absolute in their authority when not interfered 
with by the Burman official. The local Government was therefore 
strong or weak, just or oppressive, according to the character of the 
Prince, and taxation was seldom interfered with when the demands 
of the Burraan Government were satisfied promptly. Satvbwas 
noted for oppressive measures were few in number, for in such cases 
their subjects migrated to neighbouring States. Often, however, 
the Chiefs were driven to the exaction of heavy taxes to meet the 
demands of the Durman Court and were thus forced in to a course 
not agreeable to themselves. It was a series of such exceptional 
exactions which caused the Mdng Nai Sawbwa to revolt against 
King Thibaw. 

Of the people Dr. Gushing savs : " The Shans are a thrifty 
" people. Being the inhabitants of a mountainous region, the neces- 
"saries of life are not so easily obtained as in the fertile deltas of 
" the Irrawaddy and M6nam. They are good agriculturists, but 
"excel in trading, by which they supply themsevcs with food and 
" merchandize not obtainable in their own country. The houses of 
" the belter class exhibit a cleanliness and comfort not found 
" among Burmans of the same rank. They have much i ndepcndence 
"of character, but are given to jealousies and personal dislikes 
" which have kept them divided politically and socially. In war- 
"fare they are often cruel and vindictive, not only seeking to put 
" to the sword all men of a hostile region, but often slaughtering 
" the male children who fall into their hands. In time of peace 
" they are cheerful, hospitable, and ready to render help to one 
" another. An innate restlessness gives rise to frequent change of 
" residence in the Shan country itself, so that often a good per- 
"centage of the population in a principality is not native born to 
"that principality." 

It is practically impossible to determine how many Shan Slates 

there were under Burmese rule. The Burmese 

ciJ'^'c?"."''^"^ ^^ **"^ used always to number go, a favourite number 

Shan Stales. .1.1 "^ 1 1 -i / 1 - , 

With them, but no details ol this number were 
procurable or, when supplied, they were found to be manifestly 
wrong. The phrase is as meaningless as the name Ko Shan Pyi. 
As a matter of fact, except with the larger States, those always 
governed by Sawhwas, there was continual change. There was 
probably at no time much coherence or inter-dependence between 
neighbouring villages or groups of villages ; and as it needed but 
a Royal order to make any group into an independent State, how- 



ever small, the indefiniteness and confusion of the political divisions 
in Burmese times is not surprising. The King's interference was 
frequent and took various forms. He always exercised the right 
of nominating heirs from among the Chiefs' families. Sometimes 
in case of a dispute a principality was split up and a portion given 
to each of two claimants. Unruly Chiefs were deposed or driven 
into exile. Others were bought out bv palace intrigues. Occa- 
sionally Shan Princes were imprisonetf in the capital. In latter 
years there were two or three ^x-Saiabwas of Hsen Wi in more or less 
close confinement in Mandalay, and the forty-nine mongs of that 
State had been greatly reduced even before the times of King 
Thibaw, by the creation of independent charges, such as Mong 
Nawng, Kehsi Mansam, Mong Hsu, and Mbng San^; not unsel* 
dom a Burmese Officer was put in as Governor for a longer or 
shorter time. Now and then a powerful Chief was shorn of part of 
his territory for the benefit of a more acceptable person, the father 
or brother perhaps lof a favourite queen, or a weak Chief was 
made to give up territory to an energetic soldier more capable of 
defending it and doing the King's service. 

The people of the Myelat were foreigners equally to the Shans 
Th M Ur ^"^ ^'^ ^^^ Burmese, and their rulers were as 

^** * often as not Burmans pure and simple, sent up 

by the order of the King, or at the recommendation of the Myelat 
Wun. The Ngivekunhmus differed very little, if at all, from the 
Shwehmus of the Katha district, and they were only a little more 
permanent in maintaining ruling families because of the greater in- 
accessibility of the Myelat. There are practically no Shans in that 
lenitory, and Shan is not only not spoken, but is not often under- 
stood. A reference to the accounts given in another chapter will 
show thai the inhabitants are almost certainly descendants of Bur- 
me-=e colonies, voluntary or enforced. The Intha of the Yawng 
Hwe Lake are descendants of a colony planted many centuries ago 
by a King of Pagan, who took a number of prisoners from Tavoy 
and settled them at at Inle-ywa. The Danus would appear to 
have come of their own accord, or, if driven from home, chose ihetr 
own place for settlement. The Taungthus, though not Burman, 
would seem to have a similar history. But, because the country laj 
beside that of the Shans and was more obviously connected with a 
physically, than with the plains, the Myelat people were always 
treated by the Burmese as tributaries and not as pari of the Bur- 
mese nation. 

The title of Satobwa was by no means necessarily hereditary, 
_. except in such States as Hsen Wi, Mong Nai, and 

thcTrans-Salween States, who concerned them- 



selves little about Burmese orders or wishes. Mawk Mai, Mong 
Pai, and Yawng Hwe appear to have held the higher litle for longer 
ihan most and Mong Mit was almost always a Sa-wbTtash'ip, but, 
as far as the Burmese were concerned, Lai Hka was quite a recent 
creation as a SawbwasWip, and Hsi Paw was considerably below 
Hsum Hsai in osliniation, though now Hsum Hsai is a mere dis- 
trict of Hsi Paw. The ruler of Lawk Sawk appears almost always 
to have begun as a Myoza and only to have received the higher 
title by dint of rendering some service or living long enough. The 
essentially haphazard, corrupt, or emotional system of Burmese 
government makes ii impossible to determine precise facts, and the 
Shans themselves call every ruler Sao-kpa, whether he is titular 
Sawbwa or Myoza. 

It appears that there never was any formal or authentic prece- 
dence list in Burmese times. Of Cis-Salween Chiefs Hsen Wi 
always ranked first, until the State became a mere chaos, and Mong 
N.ii ne.\t. But it would appear that as a rule the relative rank of 
Chiefs was as unstable as that of French Ministries under the Re- 
public. If one Sawbwa had priority over another, or one Myoza 
over another, it was due to age or favouritism. The oldest Chief 
took first place, so far as there was any first place, quite irrespec- 
tive of the extent of his territories. Moreover, this was complicated 
by the fact of the despatch of Thami-kanya to the capital. Every 
Shan Chi^f had to send daughters of his house to the King. If 
one of these girls was promoted to the rank of one of the four 
Queens, or was even a favourite minor Queen, her father or brother 
wss correspondingly favoured on audience days, while a perhaps 
much more powerful Chief was passed over because his womankind 
were mere maids*of-honour. Thus in the time of King Mind6n the 
Mong Nai Queen was one of His Majesty's favourite wives, and in 
those days the Sawbwa of Mong Nai not only took rank above all 
others, but had his territory greatly enlarged- Apart from this and 
the granting of special insignia for special services, it would appear 
that all Sawbwas were considered to be on equal terms, except 
where considerable age, or extreme youth, made a marked differ- 
ence. If this was so with the Sawbwas, it was much mors so with 
the Myozas, though some of them, from the ancient existence of 
the State as a separate territory, were usually considered to rank at 
the head, unless their youth, or the considerable age of some of the 
other Myozas, made an obvious distinction. 

Durbars were held at Mong Nai only very irregularly and most 
often when the ruler of some State had died, though it does not 
appear that this was enforced by any customary law, or that the 
opinion of the assembled Chiefs as to the succession was asked, or 




had any weight if given. These assemblages were held in the Lum, 
the buildini^ referred to by Dr. Richardson. In this there was a 
long raised platform running cast and west in the centre of the 
audience hall. At the western extremity of this the Bo-hmu Min 
sat on a dais facing the east. In front of him sat the Wundauk, 
who appears to have accompanied the Bo-hmu when he paid his 
visits from the capital. Behind the IVundauk sat the Sikkd-gyi, 
then the Nakhnns and other subordinate officials, and at the east- 
ern end were ranged the body-guard. To the left of the Bo-hmu 
J/«'«, below this platform, was a square enclosure fenced with red 
cords. In this the Sawb'ivas arranged themselves at their plea- 
sure, or according to mutual agreement, the Mong Nai Sawbiva 
occupying the post of honour, that nearest to the Bo-hmu. The 
Sa-whwas were nearly in a line with the IVundauk, that is to say, 
a liltit to the left front of the Bo-hmu. Beyond them and facing 
the Nakhans were the Myozas, also in a red-fenced enclosure, like 
that of the Sawbvas. Behind these enclosures were others, in 
which wore gathered the Amais, and Afyoeayes — the ofBcials of the 
Stt-wbwas behind the Sawbtvas and those of the Mvozas behind their 
masters. The Ngwekunhmus, \\ any were present, took rank with 
the Amatgyis of a Sawb-wa. 

At the Palace in Mandalay the Shan Chiefs sal straight in front 
of the throne behind the Princes of the blood and the Ministers of 
State, who took station left and right of the throne, otherwise the 
arrangement seems to have corresponded with that in the Mong Nai 
assemblages. It is stated that the Satvbwa of Mting Nai in King 
MindOn's time (father of Hkun Kyi, the iirsl Sawbica under British 
rule) in right of being one of His Majesty's fathers-in-law, sat 
occasionally with the Princes of the blood, but only by special orders 
and not as of right. 

Titles of Shan Sawbwas. 

Keng HflQR (Kyaingyi'iDgyi) 

Kfing Tflng, Kfiiig Cheng 
(Kyaington, Kyaingcliaing). 

Mfing Nai (Mon^) 
Hsenwi {Thcinni) 
Yawng Hwe (Nyaungywe) 
MOng Pai (Moby4) 

Zawti Nagara Mah5 WunthaThiri Thudham 
ma YSza. 

Pyinsala Ya-hta Mah4 Wuntlia Dhamma 

Kambawsa Ya-hta Mahi WuDthiri Pawaya 
Thudhamma Yaza. 

Ihlri Ya-hta Maha Wuntha PawJIya TheU 

Thudhamma Yaxa. 

Kambflwsa Ya-hta Thiri Pawaya Mahik Wun 
tha Thudhamina Yaza. 

Kamb.-iwsa Maha Wuntha Thiridhamraa 



Mong Pan {Maingpanl 

Lai Hka (Ugya) 

Mong Pu (Maingpu) 

Mavvk Mai (Maukint) 

Loi Long (Taungbaing) ... 

Mong Mit (Momeilv) 

Hsawng Hsup (Thaungthut) 


Kale, Teionyin 


Hsum Hsai (Thftnzft) 

M6ng Pawn (Maingpun) ... 
Sam Ka (Sa^a) 
Hai Long (Hftlfin) 
Kanlarawadi (Karenni) 
Kyemmon^s (Kyamaingsj 
Hsi Paw (Thibaw) 

Mong Lfing (Mainglfin) .. 

Maw Hson (flawsaing) 
Vox La [Pwehia) 
Fatigtara (Piodaya) 

Kamhawsa Thiri Mahji Wuntha Dhamma 

Kambawsa Ya-hta Mahawuntha Thiri Thu- 

dhainina Yaza. 
Kambawsa Ya*'hta Wuntlia Thiha Dhamma 

Kambawsa Ya-hta Maha Wuntha Thiri Yaia. 
Maha Thiri Pappada Thuya Yaza. 
Gantala Yahta Malia Thiri Wuiiiha Yaza. 
Mawriya Maha VVniitha Tliiha Yaza. 
Maha Wuntha Thiri Zcya Thohonbwa. 
Mawriya Thiha Maha Wuntha Dhamma 

Maha Wuntha Duyein Yaza. 

Titles of Myozas. 

Thiri Ya-hta Maha Wuntha Thudhamma 

Thiri Maha Tho-nganbwa, 
Mah^ Yaza Tho-nganbwa. 
Maha Zeya Tho-nganbwa. 
Pappada Kyawgaung. 

Kambawsa MahS Wuntha. 

Nemyo-minhla Raza. 


Nemyo-thiri Kyawdin. 
Nemyo-thiri Kaza 
Nemyo-raza NawraU. 

Thiri Maha Kaza Tho-nganbwa. 

Pong Mu (P6n-mu) Da- 

The administration of the Shan States was at no time justly or 
„ . . , .. consistently carried on. After the death of Kine 

MmdonU lell into complete disoidcr, like ihat of 
every part of King Thibaw's dominions. The Sawbwa ni Keng 
Tong was the first to revolt. He took offence at the appointment 
by King Mindon of a Hsenwi-hpa or Saivfi-wa to the State of Keng 
Hung (Cheli) without reference to him and to tlie exclusion of the 
Keng Tung nominee. King Thibaw issued an order confinning this 
Chief, and upon this the Saivbtra of KCng Tung executed the 
Burmese Political Officer resident at his court and massacred the 
majority of his guard, about thirty in number. He then proceeded 
to destroy the capital of KCng Hong and to instal his own candi- 
date, who was subsequently taken under Chinese protection. 



King Thibaw was quite helpless to punish this insubordination 
and apparently thought it wiser to ignore it altogether rather than 
to expose his weakness. 

Repeated demands for money made the Sawhwa of Mong Nai 
desperate and with the KOng TQng success before him, he also mas- 
sacred the Burmese garrison in his capital. Sympathy, family con- 
nection, and similar grievances induced the Sawbwa of Lawk Sawk 
and the Myoza of Mong Nawng to join him, but these western Chiefs 
were more accessible and the Burmese forces drove them to take 
refuge beyond the Salween with the Keng lung Sawhwa in 18S4. 
At KengTOngthe fugitive Saw biv a s ^Xoiied. means of regaining their 
lost dignities and with this object conceived a plan for placing at 
their head a Prince of the Burmese. Royal house, and either over- 
throwing King Thibaw and replacing him by their own leader, or 
establishing an independent sovereignty in the Shan States. The 
person selected by the confederates as their leader was the Limbin 
Prince, a son of the Einshemin or Crown Prince. The Einshemin 
was the brother of Mind6n Min and in his lifetime the most influen- 
tial and the most popular member of the Royal Family of Burma. 
He was killed in 1866 by his nephew, the Myingun Prince, now 
living in Saigon. His son, the Limbin Prince, escaped to Lower 
Burma on the accession of King Thibaw, was educated in Rangoon, 
and was for some time employed as a Myo6k or subordinate Magis- 
trate. He was removed from his appointment for incompetence and 
because he took advantage of his liberty to attempt to raise a rebel- 
lion in Upper Burma. During the year 1885 he was living under 
numinal surveillance at Moulmein, and here the agents of the exiled 
Sn-wb7vas at Keng TQng found him. He accepted the invitation 
and left Moulmein in October 1885, about a month before the des- 
patch of the British expedition to Mandalay. On the arrival of the 
Limbin Prince at Keng TQng the allies collected their forces and, 
aided by the Satobwaoi KfingTOng, proceeded to take steps to re- 
gain their former possessions. By this time the Burmese Govern- 
ment had been overthrown and the Burmese troops had been with- 
drawn from the Shan country. An open field was left for the 
contest for supremacy in each State. 

The allies crossed the Salween in February 1886 and at once 
attacked Mong Nai. This State and its dependency Keng Tawng 
after the flight of the rightful Sawbwa, Hkun Kyi, had been 
administered by an unfrocked monk called Twet Nga Lu, who had 
married the mother of Saw Maung, a child who had been appointed 
Sawbwa by the Burmese Government. Aided by his allies, Hkun 
Kyi drove Twet Nga Lu from Mon^ Nai, and re-established himself 
in that State, but Twet Nga Lu maintained himself for some time 



in Keng Tawng, though the Mong Nawng Myoza, a cousin of 
Hkun Kyi's, wa$ re-established immediately to the nortli ot him. 
Sao Weng, the exiled Sawbwa of Lawk Sawk, also regained his Slate 
without trouble. During his absence it had been handed over tem- 
porarily by the King to the Sn-wbiva of Yawng Hwe, Sao Mawng, 
who put in an AmatchCk, or chief minister, as administrator. 

,In order to understand the somewhat complicated relations be- 
tween the several States during the year j886, it must be remem- 
bered that the object of the allied Sawbwax was not only to recover 
their own States, but also to establish the Limbin Prince as an 
independent sovereign. They were bound to the Limbin Prince by 
solemn oaths of allegiance, and it was necessary to the success of 
their plans that all the Shan States should either join the confede- 
racy of their own free-will, or be compelled to do so by force of arms. 
The plans of the allies had been concerted before the outbreak of 
war between the British and Burmese Governments, but they were 
not at first modified by the overthrow of the Burmese monarchy. 
The Sa^h-ivas probably believed that the British Government would 
for a time at least be sufficiently occupied by the settlement of 
Upper Burma proper and that it would be possible to consolidate 
their leader's power in the Shan Slates without interference. The 
active members of the confederacy were the important States of 
Mong Nai, Lawk Sawk, Mawk Mai, and Mong Pawn and the Myo- 
zaships of Mong Nawng, Mong Sit, Keng Hkam, Mong Ping, Hsa 
HtQng, Wan Yin, Nawng W'awn, Nam Hkok, and Ho P6ngj white 
many of the Ngwekunkmus of the Myelat joined, because they 
were afraid to do anything but agree with their powerful neigh- 
bours. The majority of the Chiefs of these States were related by 
blood or marriage. The few who were not, found themselves so 
surrounded by members of the confederacy that they had no choice 
but to join. The Stales of Lai Hka, Mong Kiing, and Kehsi Man- 
sam had, under orders from Mandalay, furnished contingents for 
the attack on Mong Nai, when Hkun Kyi had to fly, and it would 
seem that they were attacked immediately by the allies, probably 
as much to give the Keng TQng troops payment and employment 
in the way of looting, as to enable the returned exiles to recover 
their plough-cattle or to take those of other people. At any rate, 
Lai Hka was burnt and ravaged from end to end and considerable 
portions of Mong Kung and Kehsi Mansam fared nearly as badly. 
Sao Mawng, the Saivbwa of Yawng Hwe, as we have seen, had 
been put by the Burmese in charge of Lawk Sawk. As soon as 
Sao Weng had re-established himself in his State he proceeded In 
his turn to revenge himself on Yawng Hwe. The Sawbwa Sao 
Mawng, VI ho had been in Mandalay at the time of its surrender to 



the British, had hardly reached hi? own State when he was attacked 
and wounded, whereupon he retired to Taw Gin, near HIaingdet in 
the Meiktila district. A half-brother of his, Sao Chit Su, was named 
SaTvhva by the Limbin faction, but he was almost immediately 
expelled by Sao Ong, who then had to defend himself against Sao 
Weng from the north and the States of Nawng VVawn, Wan Yin, 
and others in the valley of the Tarn Hpak immediately to the east. 
Sao Ong received a certain amount of assistance from Sam Ka and 
some of the Southern Myelai States and so held his own. Mean- 
while he tendered his allegiance to the British Government and asked 
for support. 

The Hsi Paw Sawbwa had only just re-established himself. Ex- 
actions and intrigues in King Thibaw's reign had forced him to fly 
from his Stale. He took refuge in Rangoon, whence, after some 
dramatic experiences, he was banished to Karenni. Sawlapaw, the 
Chief of I^astem Karenni, gave him a force on the outbreak of the 
war with King Thibaw, which enabled the Sawbwa to take posses- 
sion of his old State. He promptly look advantage of the general 
turmoil to lay hands on the neighbouring principalities of Hsum 
Hsai and Mong Tong. This kept him fully occupied and he had 
no connection with the Limbin parly either way. 

The neighbouring State of Hsen \Vi had been in a state of chaos 
for a whole generation, since Sang Hai rose against the Sawbtca 
Naw Hpa in 1856, and it remained so. In the extreme south the 
situation was little better. There the Red Karens had only been 
kept under by the Burmese garrison at P^yakon. This was with- 
drawn and the old bickering and raiding immediately began again 
between Mong Pai and the Karenni States. Moreover, Sao Chit 
Su, the few-days Sawbiva of Yawng Hwe, had taken refuge with the 
Mong Pai Sa-wbwa. Sao Ong anticipated trouble there and rightly 
or wrongly was thought to have egged on the Western Karenni 
Chief Po Bya to attack Mong Pai. In revenue the Mong Pat forces, 
with the assistance of those of Lot L6ng, attacked Ang Teng (In- 
deing-g6n) at the southern end of the Yawng Hwe Lake, and in- 
cursions were made into whatever parts of the Myelat promised 

Over on the south-eastern frontier Mawk Mai and Mong Pan had 
a private quarrel of their own which they prosecuted with vigour. 

Thus every part of the Cis-Salween States was in a slate of war. 
Everywhere villages were burnt and property destroyed ; whole dis- 
tricts became depopulated and the emigration of the Shans, which 
had been constant for years, became something very like evacuation 
by every one except ihe actual combatants. 




This was the state of affairs throughout 1886. Yawng Hwe was 
invested on every side but the west, and hostilities were carried on 
in the usual Shan fashion, which consists in a sudden advance, the 
construction of stockades, desultory firing, and an attempt to starve 
the enemy out, or to rush their works when the bulk of the de- 
fenders arc absent in search of food. Everywhere else there were 
triangular or quadrangular duels. 

In Januat)' 1887 a column under Colonel Stedman (now Sir Ed- 
ward Stedman) marched up from Hlaingdet with Mr. A. H. Hilde- 
brand, the Superintendent of the Shan States. Some desuliory 
opposition was encountered on the road, at Kyap Sakan in the terai, 
at Nam i^kum on the edge of the plateau, and at Kugyo, not far 
from Taunggyi, where the Lawk Sawk Sawbwa made a stand in a 
fortified position, from which he was driven without difficulty by our 
troops. These were practically all the warlike operations that were 
necessary. The column reached Y'awng Hwe on the loth February, 
and four days later a site for the establishment of the headquarters 
of the Superintendent with a garrison and fortified post was chosen 
at the village of Mong Hsawk on the eastern side of the Lake. 
This sta.tion has since been known as Fort Stedman. 

The work of pacification proceeded rapidU*. On the march up all 
the northern and central Ngwekunhmus of tde Myelat had tendered 
their submission in person. At Yawng Hwe the Myoza of Sara 
Ka immediately proffered his allegiance. A small body of troops 
went from Yawng Hwe to Mijng Pai, passing undisturbed through 
Nam Kok and Sa Koi, and at Mong Pai the Saivbiva himself ten- 
dered his unreserved submission to the Assistant Superintendent 
as the representative of the British Government and advocated the 
establishment of a British force at P6yak6n. 

Meanwhile the Superintendent had called upon Mong Nai and 
Mong Pawn, the most prominent members of the Limbin con- 
federacy, to submit to the British Government and to keep peace 
among themselves. They did not, however, immediately submit, 
but withdrew their forces from the borders of Yawng Hwe and re- 
tired to their own territories. The Limbin Prince himself, who had 
been established at Wan Yin, moved first to Ho P6ng and eventu- 
ally to Mung Nai. The States of Lai Hka, Mdng Kiing, and Ke- 
hsi Mansam had already made submission in Mandalay and they now 
took advantage of the state of uncertainty which prevailed among 
the Chiefs of the Limbin confederacy to raise a mixed force, with 
which they marched upon Mong Pawn. The Mong Nai Sawbwa 
was too fully engaged m driving Twet Nga Lu out of K5ng Tawng, 
which he succeeded in doing with assistance from Sawlapaw, to 



determine on any definite course. Mawk Mai had attacked Mong 
Pan with considerable success until Hkun L6ne, the Mawk Mai 
Sawbwa.wa.s killed bv a stray bullet, whereupon his forces retreated 
to their own State. Both Twet Nga Lu and Mong Pan represented 
themselves as subjects of the British Government, and Sawlapaw. 
who had assisted Hkun Kyi of Mong Nai, and whose daughter had 
married Mong Nai's nephew, was known to be bitterly hostile to us. 
The whole situation was therefore very involved and critical. 

The Lawk Sa\vk Snwhwa Sao Weng continued to maintain an 
attitude of hostility; threatened the northern Chiefs of the Myelat, 
and incited attacks on the communications between Fort Stedman 
and the base at Hlaingrlet. Promises of pardon and immunity h.^d 
no result. The Superintendent therefore proceeded to Lawk Sawk. 
The Sawbwa fled before the arrival of the column and Lawk Sawk 
was occupied practically without opposition. Sao Weng had no one 
with him but his Kang TOng mercenaries and he returned straight 
to that capital, where he remained until its submission in 1890, 
when he moved on to Kcng Hung. 

From Lawk Sawk the Superintendent marched through Mong 
Ping to Ho Pong, where he had arranged to meet the Limbin Prince 
and his most energetic supporter, the Mong Pawn Sawbtva. They 
did not appear, but the Myozas of Ho P6ng, Nam Hk6k, and 
Nawng Wawn did. These were all supporters of the Limbin Prince 
and the last-named was uterine brother of the Mong Pawn Saw" 
bwa. He represented that Mong Pawn was closely pressed by the 
forces of Lai Hka and other States professedly acting for the 
British Government. The British column therefore moved on there 
and a cessation of hostilities and the reconciliation of the Chiefs 
was effected on the actual scene of a fight in the best manner of the 
light opera stage. 

The Mong Pawn Sa-wbwa was a man of much force of character 
and had been the practical leader and certainly the spokesman of 
the Limbin confederacy. Upon his submission all the other South- 
ern Shan States submitted. A party under Captain Wallace, of the 
27th Punjab Infantry, proceeded to Mong Nai with the .Assistant 
Superintendent, where the full submission of the Miing ^a\ Sn-wbwa 
was received and the Limbin Prince voluntarily gave himself up 
and handed over his flag. A \nsit was paid to Mawk Mai, where 
the aged and abdicated Kolan Saivbiva had just died, and the three 
British Ofiicers and one sepoy who formed the party were received 
with great honour. At the special request of the Mong Nai Say}' 
bwa the British flag was hoisted in Mong Nai and the detachment 
then reLurned to Fort Stedman, whence the Limbin Prince was sent 



to Rangoon and afterwards at his own request to Calcutta, wiiere 
he lives in receipt of an allowance from Government. 

Thus by the middle of June 1887 the whole of the Southern Shan 
States had been brought under the influence of the Snperinlendent 
and were free from disturbances. But the north, except Hsi Paw, 
was still in a state of complete anarchy. The Hsi Paw Sawbwa 
AKsited the Chief Commissioner in Mandalay early in 1887, and as 
he was the first Siian Sa-wbwa who placed himself without reserve 
in the hands of the Government beyond the borders of the Shan 
States, he was received with much consideration. He was present 
at the celebration of Her Majesty's Jubilee^ and on this occasion, 
as a special mark of grace and favour, His Excellency the Gover- 
nor-General in Council was pleased to remit for ten years the tri- 
bute payable by his State. It was also arranged that the Slates of 
Mong Long and Hsum Hsai, which border on the Mandalay 
District, and the State of Mong TOng, which lies to the south-east 
of Hsi Paw, should be considered as subordinate to the SawSwa of 
that State. On his return to Hsi Paw the ^awiajfl was accompani- 
ed by Mr, J. E. Bridges, the Deputy Commissioner of Mandalay, 
who stayed some time in the capital and endeavoured to arrange for 
the pacification of Hsen \Vi. Matters there, however, were far 
beyond the possibility of settlement, except on the spot. At one 
time Hsen \Vi consisted of forty-nine matjgs, each ruled over by a 
tributary chieftain. In addition 10 this national division it was 
partitioned by thoBurmese into five tracts — northern, southern, east- 
ern, western, and centVal. But since the year 1856, when the 
Sawhiva Hsiing Naw Hpa, who acceded to the dignity in 1S48-49, 
became involved in a struggle with Sang Hai, who had com- 
manded the Hsen VVi contingent which helped to repulse the Sia- 
mese attack on Kfing TQng, the State had become more and more 
invoKed in violent and continuous civil war. The Burmese Gov- 
ernment deposed and re-appointed the Sa-wbwa ; appointed another 
Sawbwa and imprisoned and then reappointed him ; sent a long 
succession of IVuns and Sik/kes, Wtndawhmus, and Military Bos, 
but entirely without success in restoring order. In 1877 mdeed 
Sang Hai was compelled to retreat beyond the Salween, but the 
relief was only temporary, and in the meanwhile Mong Nawng, 
Kehsi Mansani, Mong Hsu, and Mong Sang, formerly integral parts 
of Hsen \Vi, had become separate Slates under Chiefs who held 
their dignities by direct grant from the Burmese Government 
instead of being subordinate to Hsen Wi, and the northern division 
had fallen permanently into Kachin hands, while the fertile Alfelet 
in the centre had been reduced lo a condition of chaos. Sang Hai 
died, but he was succeeded by Hkun Sang of T6n Hong, an adven- 




turer who had married the daughter of Sang Hai after acting as 
chief fighling leader for some years. Hkiin Sang was by birth a 
Mang Lon man and is said to have \Va blood in his veins. On 
Sang Hai's death he immediately assumed the offensive with the 
assistance of the Kachins, and in 1878 finally drove Hsiing Naw 
Hpa from the capital and maintained himself in the Wing in 
defiance of Burmese Sikkes and other officers, who were fain to 
administer what was left of the Central and Western divisions from 
Lashio as their headquarters. These portions of the Stale, how- 
ever, continued to be disturbed until 1881, when Sang Aw, known 
as the Paokchok, established himself at Mong Yai as ruler of Hsen 
Wi Alfelet, which then included all Hsen Wi that was left, outside 
of the north in HkunSangof Ton Hfing's hands, and the south which 
had been broken up into new States. The Burmese officials had 
practically no authority beyond the Lashio valley and the road 
thither, and for the rest of King Thibaw's reign they were unable to 
improve their position. 

This was the state of affairs when Upper Burma was incorporat- 
ed in British India. As elsewhere, the Burmese garrison in Lashio 
was immediately withdrawn, or disbanded itself. Hsiing Naw 
Hpa, the quondam Sawbtva of all Hsen Wi, was at this lime living 
at Mone^ Si, a Kachin circle to the north-east of the Wing or Myo- 
ma, as the Burmese called the capital, where Hkun Sang of TAn 
H6ng was established, and tlie Padkchok was in Mong Yai. They 
were all of them more or less quiescent- Naw Mong, the son of 
Naw Hpa, had been detained throughout King Thibaw's reign a3 
a prisoner in Mandalay and the British occupation set him free. 
He immediately set out for Hsen Wi and on his way up passed 
through the camps of both the Myinzaing Prince and that of Saw 
Van Naing, the son of the Metkaya Prince. He made for the 
western part of the Alfeltt and gathered supporters round him in 
the Man S^ neighbourhood. When he had sufficient force, which 
was not till the beginning of 1887, he marched over the hills to the 
Lashio valley, where he was met and defeated by Hkun Sang with 
his Kachins. Hkun Sang thereupon proceeded to drive back the 
forces of Naw Hpa, which apparently made a badly concerted 
movement from MOng Si. He then marched on the Aiglet. Saw 
Yan Naing had by this time been driven not only from the Ava 
neighbourhood, but also from the Pyinulwin subdivision and had 
retired to Man Sfe. Hkun Sang of T6n Hong overthrew him on 
his march and drove him into Loil6ng Tawng Peng and then pro- 
ceeded to defeat Naw Mong and the PaokchSk, Sang Aw, in 
detail. His success was much contributed to by predatory raids 
of bands from Hsi Paw, who burnt out the whole of the south of 



the Alfelet and finally ruined the greater part of that tract. By 
August 1887 the Paokchok and Naw Mong were driven from 
Hsen Wi altogether and Hkun Sang took possession of Mong Yai. 
The two fugitives made their way to Mong Nai and began com- 
munications with Mr. Hildebrand at Fort Stedman, under whom 
all the Shan States, both north and south, were now placed. Mr. 
Hildebrand opened a correspondence with Hkun Sang at Mong 
Yai. The Hsi Paw robber bands were withdrawn and for the first 
time for many years there was peace in the Shan States. The 
incessant fighting which had been going on had, however, prevent- 
ed the sowing oi crops, and everywhere there was much distress, 
which in Lai Hka was so great that a considerable number of 
people died of actual want of food. 

In the open season of 1887-88 Mr. Hildebrand proceeded with a 
considerable military force on an extended tour, which took him 
through all the Shan States hitherward of the Salween, lasted for 
over live months, and ended at Mandalay without a single shot 
having been fired. In the course of his march Mr. Hildebrand re- 
ceived the personal submission of all the Sawbwas and Myozas, 
confirmed them in their positions as tributary Chiefs, settled their 
relations with the Government and with each other, fixed the 
amount of tribute to be paid by each Chief, and generally established 
the supremacy of the British Government. The general peace has 
not since been disturbed except by enterprises begun or concocted 
beyond the area then in the Shan States charge. 

At Mong Pai an attempt was made to settle a dispute between 
the Sawdwa of that State and Po Bya, one of the Western Karenni 
Chiefs. This was afterwards brought before Sir Charles Crosth- 
waite in Rangoon by the Mong Pai Sawbwa in person and by the 
sons of Po Bya. It was agreed to condone past offences and to 
abstain from disputes in future, but this settlement proved of little 
value owing to the hostile attitude of Sawlapaw, the Chief of East- 
ern Karenni, and the absence of any arrangement with the other 
Western Karenni Chiefs. 

After the column had started Twet Nga Lu, who had come to Fort 
Stedman during the rain.s to prefer a claim to the Sawhivaship of 
Keng Tawng, but had been told that it could not be entertained, 
raised a band of followers in Keh si Mansam and raided and burnt 
Keng Tawng. He was driven out by the Mong Nai Sawbwa, 
passed mto Mong Pan, and burnt that capital and was then forced 
to take refuge in Chiengmai territory. At Mong Pan, where four 
Siamese Commissioners and the British Vice-Consul of Chiengmai 
were met, promises were given that he would be restrained from 


hostile action, but these were not very competently fulfilled. The 
main purpose of the meeting was to discuss the question of the 
right of the British and Siamese Governments to the small States 
of Mong T6n, Mong Hang, Mong Kyawt, and Mong Hta, as well 
as to Mong Hsat. The former four territories had been dependen- 
cies of Mong Pan and only sought protection from Chiengmai 
when the quarrel between Mawk Mai and Mong Pan threatened 
them with danger. Only a temporary arrangement could be made 
at this meeiing and this gave an advantage to Twet Nga Lu, of 
which he did not fail to avail himself, while the British and Sia- 
mese Governments were discussing the future administration of 
these Slates. 

From M5ng Pan Mr. Hildebrand went to Mong Nai and there 
held what no doubt the Shans considered the first durbar in the 
Shan States. A meeting had been held in the end of 1887 at Fon 
Stedman, but only the western Chiefs and the Ngwekunhmus of 
the Myelat were present. At Mong Nai on the contrary, with the 
exception of the ^aivhwas of the north and these western Chiefs, the 
rulers of all the principalities were present^ and a reconciliation was 
effected between the Limbin Prince's allies and their victims. 
Here also the general question of the tribute payable by the Shan 
States, as well as the separate question:s of the individual amounts, 
were finally settled. At first the SatL'bwas, through their spokes- 
man, the intelligent and self-reliant SawbTva of Mong Pawn, raised 
objections to the assessment of tribute on the principle of the //ra- 
tkameda, a principle which had been adopted in the time of Mindon 
Mln. They professed a wish to return to the primitive custom of 
sending to the ruling authority valuable presents in acknowledgment 
of its suzerainty instead of the fixed sums demanded in compara- 
tively recent years by the Burmese Government. These objections 
were finally overruled and the tribute question was sullied with 
the concurrence of all the assembled Chiefs for a period of five years 
from the ist December 1887, after which the amount was to be 
liable to revision. 

From Mong Nai the Superintendent marched through Lai Hka, 
Mong Kiing, and Kehsi Mansam to Mong Yai, where he was 
met by a northern column which had been touring through Tawng 
Peng and Hsen \Vi with Lieutenant Daly as Political Officer. Ex- 
cept that in Tawng Peng their rear had been fired into, this party 
had been equally peaceful and it brought in Hkun Sang of^T6n 
H6ng It may be noted here that the name Kun San Ton Hon, which 
was given to this personage by the Burmese and accepted by us 
when Shan matters were not so well known, is from the pedantic 



point of view absolutely incorrect. His "little name " was Sang 
Yawn Ko and he belonged to T6n Hong village. When fortune 
smiled on him he dropped the Yawn Ko and adopted the title 
Hkun, which properly is applied only to members of a ruling house. 
Thus his name is Hkun Sang of Ton Hong, as we say William of 

Naw Mong and the Padkckok (which seems to be the Wa title 
Pachok and may be compared with the old Nam Chao style Pa;,hi 
meaning Governor) had come from Mijng Nai with Mr. Hilriebrand 
and a meeting of all the heads of circles and elders of Hsen Wi 
was held in Mong Yai. As a result the already mutilated State of 
Hsen Wi was further dismembered. The north and east were given 
to Hkun Sang with the title of North Hsen Wi Sawbwa, and what 
was practically the old Kawn Kang, or Alfelet was assigned to Naw 
Mong as Sait'bwa of South Hsen Wi. The Paokckok, who was ill 
and aged, was to remain a pensioner of South Hsen Wi. A couple 
of months after the column had gone, his party rose against Naw 
Mong, who fled to Hsi Paw, Before Lieutenant Daly arrived to 
restore him, the Paokchdk paid all debts by dying of dropsy. 
Lieutenant Daly and the Sawbwa then summoned together the 
principals in the rising. They came and were arrested and the 
Sawb-wa sentenced a number to imprisonment. 

The Superintendent had meanwhile marched down to Mandalay, 
receiving on the way the submission of the Sa-whwa of Loi Long 
Tawng Peng, who had failed to come in to Lieutenant Daly. 

The long absence of the Superintendent and of the bulk of the 
garrison from Fort Stedman seems to have given rise to the 
supposition that the British troops had been or were about to be 
withdrawn. In March 1888 Sawlapaw, the Chief of Eastern Karen- 
ni who had declined to meet the Superintendent when invited to 
do so some months before, and who had already annexed part of 
the State of Sakoi on his borders, became still bolder and took the 
settlement of a longstanding feud with Mawk Mai into his own 
hands. A band of Red Karens attacked Mawk Mai ; the Sawbiaa 
fled from his Wing across the Salween, and it was pillaged and 
burnt. Sawlapaw then proceeded to set up as Sawbwa a man named 
Hkun Noi Kyu, a cadet of the Mawk Mai family, who agreed to 
hold the State as a feudatory'of the Karenni Chief. This success 
no doubt emboldened Twet Nga Lu. He attacked and occupied 
Mong Pan, driving out the Sawbiva. The Myng Nai Sawbwa, by 
order of Mr, Hildebrand, sent a parly to expel Twet Nga Lu, but 
they were defeated and pursued up to the gates of Mong Nai, with 
such vigour that Twet Nga Lu was able to establish himself there 



early in May 1888 and Hkun Kyi fled to Mong Pawn. The Assist- 
ant Superintendent was therefore hurried up from Mandalay in the 
middle of April. Meanwhile somewhat serious hostiUties had broken 
out between minor States in the south of the Myelat, fomented by 
the Yawng Hwe Saivb-wa^ owing to actual or wilful miscomprehen- 
sion of the orders of the military officer at Fort Stedman. These 
were dealt with, peace restored, and the Sawbwa fined Rs. 10,000, 
and then a column marched east. A mounted surprise party under 
Lieutenant Fowler of the ist Biluchis succeeded in capturing Twel 
Nga Lu and all his leaders seven days after the rebel entry into 
Mong Nai and this put an end to the rising. Six of the leaders were 
executed after trial by the Sawbwa of Mong Nai, and Twet Nga 
Lu himself was shot by his guard. 

The column with the Assistant Superintendent after restoring 
Hkun Kyi then marched south to Mank Mai, which was evacuated 
by Hkun Noi Kyu and the Karenni The former made his escape 
to Siamese territory and has not since given any trouble. The 
Karenni retired to their own territory and a British post was estab- 
lished at Mawk Mai with a small detachment at Mong Nai. At the 
end of June 1888, however, Sawlapaw made another attack on Mawk 
Mai, where the Sawbwa had been re-established. The Karenni 
were easily repulsed and Lieutenant Fowler then immediately as- 
sumed the offensive, drove the Red Karens out of their works at 
Kantu Awn with very severe loss, and finally expelled them from 
Mawk Mai. The British force was so small comparatively and in- 
flicted such heavy punishment that no further trouble was experienc- 
ed on this side. 

The result of these distarbances was the permanent establishment 
of a British Civil Officer at Mong Nai. About the same time the 
Northern Shan States were separated from the south and made into 
a separate charge. 

It will be noted that these risings were purely local matters and 
it may be remarked that the Shan States, as a whole, were the only 
part of Upper Burma which practically accepted British authority 
without opposition. Within little over a year after the first occu- 
pation of the country the ruler of every State had made persona! sub- 
mission to the Sup«^rlntendcnt and had agreed to accept his position 
as a tributary of the British Government on fixed conditions. The 
intention of the Government to maintain order and to prevent pri- 
vate wars between the several Stales, while at the same time allow- 
ing to each Chief independence In the administration of his terri- 
tory to the fullest extent compatible with the methods of civilized 
government had not only been declared, but had been exemplified. 



Trade began to revive almost immediately, ruined villages and 
towns were re-occupied and re-built, and the people began to resume 
their ordinary pursuits, which it may be said have never since been 
disturbed except in the frontier States, and there only for reasons 
which were purely local and differed in each case. 

The season of 1888-89 was mainly occupied in dealing with 
Sawlapaw, the Chief of Eastern Karenni. Immediately after the 
defeat of his forces at Kantu Awtiin Mawk Mai and probably before 
he was aware of it, Sawl.ipaw wrote to the Superintendent of the 
Shan States recounting his grievances against Mawk Mai and 
peremptorily ordering the withdrawal of British troops from that 
State. This letter was returned. In Ausjust 1888 Sawlapaw 
seems to have begun to apprehend that punishment would be in- 
flicted on him for his attack on Mawk Mai. He wrote to the 
Superintendent of the Shan States and also to the Commissioner of 
Tenasserimj asking that the British Government would arbitrate 
the dispute between him and the Sawbwa of Mawk Mai from 
whom he claimed Rs. 24,00,000 as compensation. These letters 
being couched in unsuitable phraseology, were returned to Saw- 
lapaw by the hand nf his messengers. Early in September the 
Superintendent of the Shan States was furnished with an ulti- 
matum to be sent to the Eastern Karenni Chief if he should not 
tender his personal submission to the Superintendent as the 
representative of the British Government. The ultimatum required 
Sawlapaw to come to Fort Stedman in person to pay an indemnity 
of two lakhs for the damage done to Mawk Mai and to cover the 
cost of the despatch of troops to the relief of that State, to sur- 
render five hundred ser\*iceable muskets, and to pay annually Rs. 
5iOoo as tribute. The Superintendent was instructed to endeavour 
to secure the submission of Sawlapaw without recourse to arms, and 
the despatch of the ultimatum was withheld till the middle of 
November in order to alTord Sawlapaw an opportunity of making 
terms. On the 19th December, after all attempts to secure Sawla- 
paw's submission had proved fruitless, It was finally decided that 
the punitive expedition for which preparations had been made 
should go forward. 

The preparations included the despatch of a strong column under 
Brigadier-General M. Collett, C.B., from Fort Stedman, and of a 
second column from Lower Burma by way of the Salween district, 
which borders on Eastern Karenni on the south. The object of 
the Northern column under General Collett was to overcome any 
resistance that might be offered by Sawlapaw and to take and 
occupy his capital, Sawlon. The object of the Southern column 
was to co-operate with the main force to prevent the escape of 



Sawlapaw to the south and to cover the Salween district, into 
which it was apprehended the Karenni might send parlies of raiders. 
The necessity for this was soon apparent, for on the lyih 
December, two days before the arrival of the Southern column 
under Colonel J. J. Harvey at Papun, Sawlapaw had struck the 
first blow by sending a considerable force to attack and plunder 
Kyaukhnyat, a village north-east of Papun on the Salwecn river, 
where there is a police outpost. After plunderintj and partially 
burning the village, the Karens retired before the arrival of the troops 
sent to repel them. On the a6th December Colonel Harvey's force 
marched from Papun and took a stockade at Pazaung south of 
Bawlakfe without difficulty and the column remained in occupation 
of this place for the purpose of covering the Lower Burma frontier. 
Except for one or two raids of no special importance, the Lower 
Burma districts were not disturbed after this. 

The northern column, which was accompanied by the Superin- 
tendent of the Shan States, was opposed immediately on entering 
Eastern Karenni at Nga Kyaiiig, near Loi Kaw. Here on the ist 
January 1889 a force of five hundred men was encountered by the 
Mounted Infantry under Lieutenant Tighe. Between one hundred 
and fifty and two hundred Karenni were estimated to have been 
killed, with a loss on the British side of four men killed and eight 
wounded. After this the opposition was of a very desultory kind 
only, though Surgeon-Captain N. Manders was wounded in the 
defile close to Sawlon. This place was found deserted and was 
occupied on the 8th January. Sawlapaw had fled from his capital 
some days before and all endeavours to persuade him to return were 
unsuccessful. After three weeks therefore, on the 28th January 
1889, at a meeting of the principal local officials and notables a new 
Chief of Eastern Karenni was elected. This was Sawlawi, the 
nephew and heir designate of Sawlapaw. Sawlawi agreed to hold 
the State of Eastern Karenni as a subject of Her Majesty, to 
abstain from dealings with foreign States, to pay an indemnity of 
three lakhs of rupees in three instalments, to deliver before the end 
of March 1889 five hundred serviceable muskets, and to pay an 
annual tribute of five thousand rupees. The payment of the tribute 
and the delivery of the muskets were guaranteed by the leading 
officials and timber traders of Eastern Karenni, most of whom had 
direct dealings with Moulmein- 

The troops were withdrawn on the 30th January 1889. Since 
then Sawlawi has loyally carried out all his engagements with the 
British Government and has maintained order in his territory. He 
attended a durbar of Shan States Chiefs which was held in May 
of the same year. Sawlapaw before long came to live at Manmau, 




a village midway between Sawl6n and the Salween. He made no 
attempt to restore himself or to interfere with Sawlawi and died 
about eighteen months afterwards of cholera. The complete and 
definitive surrender of the Red Karens was the more satisfactory 
because it was so unexpected. For years thev had been the terror 
of their nt-ighboursand had extended their raicls far into theMyelat, 
whence they carried off women and children to be sold in the 
Siamese Shan States. On the return march Mr. Hildebrand 
demarcated 'he boundary between the States of Mong Pal and Nam- 
m6k(5n and effected a settlement of the disputes there, and the only 
other incident of note was that in 1889 the Mong Pan Sa^vbwa was 
formally placed in possession of the Trans-Saiween States of Mung 
T6n, Mong Hang, Mong Kyawt, and Mong Hta, which had been 
claimed by Siam and until this had not acknowledged the Sawbtua^s 

In the north, where there had been war for thirty years, it was 
hardly to be expected that there would be an immediate absence of 
disturbances. There was a slight rising in South Hsenwi which, 
however, was at once suppressed, and it was only after some trouble 
that [lieutenant Daly succeeded in inducing the Nam Hkam Myoza 
to recognize the authority of the North Hsenwi Sawbwa. During 
the Hsenwi civil war Nam Hkam and Hpang Hkam or Sh Lanhad 
become practically as completely independent as Mong Nawng and 
Kehsi Mansam and the subordination to the split-up State was for 
some time stubbornly opposed. In this year also the ex-SawbTtra 
Hsiing Naw Hpa was induced to move from Mong Si 10 his son's 
Court at Mong Yai and thus a possible source of discontent was 
got rid of, The old man died within the year. 

There was a goad deal of resentment in the States of Hsum Hsai 
and Miing Long at their subordination to the Hsipaw Sawb-wa, sind 
the persons he put in charge of them were not very judicious appoint- 
ments. This and their proximity to the plains, which made them 
an obvious place of refuge for dacoitsand outlaws, rendered them a 
source of trouble and the population of both States tended rather to 
decrease than to settle down quietly. Tawng Peng Loi LAng, and 
Mong Mit were full of elements of disturbance in the presence near 
their borders of the Pretender Saw Yan Naing, besides Bo Zeya, 
Hkam Leng, and other dacoits and outlaws, and there was a good 
deal of ferment and some figh'.ing in Mong Mit, an account of which 
is given elsewhere. On the whole, however, there was steady 
progress and the confidence of the Chiefs in the Government was 
confirmed and strengthened. 

In the following year South Hsenwi was undisturbed, but in 
December 1890 the Northern State was the scene of a rising headed 




by Hkun Yi, the Sawhwa*s brother-in-law and son of Sang Hal, who 
intended him to be his heir. Hkun Yi was killed before the affair 
became serious, but later in the year there was trouble between the 
Saiuhvas officials and some Kachins in the outlying parts of North 
Hsenwi. This was smoothed over for the moment, but the Kachins 
were not satisfied, and this was the beginning of the discontent 
which had serious results three years laier. The rest of the North- 
ern States were undisturbed, but the condition of Mijng Long as a 
refuge for outlaws was still very unsatisfactory and H sum H sai con- 
linueil steadily to lose population. A good deal of progress was 
made in the construction of cart-roads from Mandalay to Maymyo 
and Hsi Paw and from Meiktila towards the headquarters of the 
Southern Shan States, and both of these immediately began to be 
greatly u^ed by caravans. 

In the Southern States in 1890 the most important events were 
the work done by the Anglo-Siamese Commission and the sub- 
mission of the great Trans-Salween State of KCng Tung, with 
which up till 1890 only a broken and resultless correspondence had 
been maintained. 

At the time of the expedition against Eastern Karcnni in 1888- 
89, which resulted In the deposition of Sawlapaw and the recognition 
of his nephew Sawlawi as Chief of the State, Siamese troops and 
local levies occupied a considerable tract on the east of the Salween 
which had for many years been inhabited by settlers from Eastern 
Karenni. This territory was claimed by the Siamese Government 
as part of the province of Chlcngmai. In addition to this territory 
the Siamese Government advanced claims to the Trans-Salween 
tracts of Mong Mau and Mfehsakun, which had been considered 
appanages of the Stale of Mawk Mai, and maintained the claim, 
previously asserted, to the four small States of Mong Ton, Mong 
Hang, Mong Kyawt, and Mong Hta, which had been made over 
in December 1888 to the SnwbTva of Mong Pan. In order that the 
territorial claims of the Siamese Government and various com- 
plaints preferred by Sawlawi concerning the action of the Siamese 
authorities in the tract peopled by his subjects across the 
Salween might bo thoroughly investigated, the Government of 
India appointed a Commission to visit the disputed territory in 
the open season of 1889-90 and to examine and report on the 
Questions at issue It was originally intended that the points in 
dispute should be investigated by a joint Commission consisting of 
Commissioners appointed by the Indian and Siamese Governments. 
But, though Siamese Commissioners were appointed, the Siamese 
Government at the last moment declined to join in the enquiry, 
which was accordingly carried out ex parte. Mr. Ney Elias, C.i.e. 



was the Commissioner appointed by the Government of India and 
the party successively visited the Trans-Salween territory claimed 
by the Siamese Government and bv the Chief of Eastern Karenni, 
the districts of Mong Mati and M6 Hsakun, and ihe four Mong 
Pan sub-States. In the disputed Karenni territory the Commission 
held a local enquiry and completed the survey of the country, but 
left the Siamese in possession, in Mong Mau and Mfe fisakun Sia- 
mese troops were also found established, but the Mawk Mai Saw 
bwa received charge of both States from Mr. Ney Elias. At Mong 
T6n also the Commission found a small Siamese garrison in pes- 
session and this was required to withdraw. Mr. Ney Elias entrust* 
ed the administration of the four States to Hkun Pon, the nephew 
of the Mong Pan Sawbwa, but as difficulties arose in respect of this 
arrangement Hkun P6n was restricted to the administration of 
Mong T6n, and the other three States were placed under the direct 
control of his uncle the Sawbwa of Mong Pan. The death, not 
long after, of Hkun P6n of smaIl~pox, put an end to all friction in 
this direction. 

It had been at first intended that the Anglo-Siamese Commission 
should visit Keng TOng. This was found impracticable and the 
Superintendent of the Shan States was therefore detached from the 
Commission to visit it. With a party of twenty sepoys under Cap- 
tain F. J. Pink, D.S O., he reached there in March 1890. Negoti- 
ations were somewhat complicated by the murder of one mule-driver 
and the wounding of anotner by the Satvbwa almost immediately 
after their arrival ; but the Chief paid satisfactory compensation and 
fully accepted the position of feudatory. It was decided by the 
Government of India that Keng Tung should be treated as a State 
in subordinate alliance with the British GovernmenT, preserving 
its independence as regards its domestic administration, but agree- 
ing to regulate its external policy in accordance with the advice of 
the Superintendent of the Shan States. A sanad was granted to 
the Sawbna by which he was recognized as Chief of the State by 
the British Government on these conditions. The State of Kfing 
TOng is by far the most influential of the Trans-Salween Slates 
and has an area nearly twice that of Wales, North and South. lis 
complete submission was therefore a matter of some importance, 
and practically guaranteed the peace of the Shan States. 

In March 1890 the Chief Commissioner, Sir Charles Crosthwaite, 
for the first time visited the Shan States and held a general durbar 
of Shan Chiefs at Fort Stedman. Almost all the Cis-Salween 
Chiefs, attended by the notables of their States, were present and 
the Sawbwas of Mong Nai and Yawng Hwe u-ere invested with 
the insignia of titles of honour conferred on them by the Viceroy 



and Governor-General. The Chief Commissioner addressed the 
assembly, pointing out to the Chiefs and notables present the ad- 
vantages which they derived from the introduction of law and order 
into their country, explaining the duties and responsibilities of the 
rules and the obligations of the people, and declaring the inten- 
tions of the Government in respect of the Shan States. In this 
year also orders were issued modifying the customary law of the 
Slian States in the matter of punishments for offences and the pro- 
cedure in criminal trials. These were made as few and as simple 
as possible in order that the introduction of civilized methods might 
be gradual and intelligible to the Chiefs and people. 

During the greater part of 1890-91 and 1891-92 systematic en- 
quiries as to the population and revenue-paying capacities of the 
States were carried on and the Superintendents were for the most 
part engaged on frontier matters. There were some disturbances 
caused by Kachlns in North Hsen Wi. Unsuccessful attempts 
were made to procure the submission of West Mang L6n, the only 
State west of the Salween which had not accepted British autho- 
rity, and turbulence on the frontier between Kengtung and Siam 
culminated in the murder of a Siamese Survey OfHcer in June 1891. 
It was only towards the end of this year also that the Western Ka- 
renni Chiefs were brought under administration. Till then they 
had been treated as practically independent ; they quarrelled among 
themselves and with their neighbours, and the Superintendent was 
not in a position to settle their disputes with authoriiy. They 
were now granted sanads, a nominal tribute was imposed, and vari- 
ous intertribal disputes of old standing were settled by an oflRcer 
who was now stationed at Loi Kaw for this purpose. 

In the following year 1892-93 the demarcation of the frontier 
between the Southern Shan States and Siam practically assured 
the tranquillity of these States. The demarcation was carried out 
from the Salween to the Mfekhong along the line selected in 1890, 
and the Siamese Commissioners worked in perfect accord with 
Messrs. Hildebrand and Leveson. The Superintendent subsec^uent- 
ly visited KCng TQn^ and settled various matters pending m the 
affairs of that State, notably the forest revenue and the tribute on 
account of the subordinate States of Mong Hsat, Hsen Yawt, and 
Hsen Maung, which were remitted up to 1897. Mr. Leveson for- 
mally reinstated Sawlawi.the Chief of Eastern Karenni, in his Trans- 
Salween possessions, which had been occupied by the Siamese 
since 1889. 

The security which this certainly as lo boundary gave was early 
exemplified by the complete failure of Teiktin Myat, a pretender 
who made his appearance early in the year in the Mong Pan State, 



where he came from Chieng Mai with the intention of raising a re- 
bellion. Teifilin MyAl was promptly arrested by the Mong Pan 
Sa-wbrva and, on investigation, was found to be a person of feeble 
intellect who had adopted the part of Mintha at the suggestion of 
a monk in Chieng Mai. This prompt suppression of revolt com- 
pared ver)f favourably with the temporar)' success of a " Minlaung" 
in Karenni at the close of the previous year, when the Loi Kaw 
post was actually attacked. The only harm done was that such an 
attempt should have been possible. The settlement of the frontier 
now gave an opportunity for the display of the general loyalty of 
Shans towards British rule. 

In the Northern Shan States there were considerable distur- 
bances. Kachin troubles had long been brewing in North Hsen 
Wi. The task of administering the constantly increasing hordes 
of Kachin immii^rants proved entirely beyond the powers of the 
Shan Sawbwa. The Kachins held with some justification that he 
owed his position to them, and the attempts of nis district oPficials 
to tyrannize over them produced a wide feeling of exasperation 
among these unruly tribesmen, which culminated in a successful at- 
tack on Wing Hsen Wi on the laih December 1892. On the 
15th Mr. W. A. Graham, the Treasury Officer at Lashio, proceeded 
to Hsen Wi with an escort of Military Police and dislodged the re- 
bels, who then promised to submit to arbitration. Various distur- 
bances, however, broke out in different parts of the State afterwards, 
but the Kachins everywhere declared that the rebellion was agaiust 
the authority of Hkun Sang of Ton Hong and not against the 
dominion of the British Government It was only in the extreme 
north-west near Nam Hkam that the object of attack could be said 
to be British troops, and there the troubles were to some extent 
connected with the rising on the Bhamo frontier and were fomented 
by outlaws from Burma living beyond the Chinese border. A 
band of them settled in Man Hang, a few miles north-east of Se 
Lan. where there was a temporary British post, and soon after set 
upon a patrol of sepoys. Man Hang was therefore attacked ; a 
number of stockades were taken, and the Kachins were driven out, 
but at the close of the fight Lieutenant Williams, the only British 
Officer with the party, was killed, and the sepoys returned to Sfe 

A military column was then hurried up from Bhamo, but after 
burning Man Hang found nothing to do, smce the raiders had retir- 
ed into Chinese territory, whence, however, they issued to burn 
M5ng Ko, out of which they were driven by Kachins on the British 



While these events were happening, the Superintendent was 
settling affairs in Mang Lon, in which State he had arrived before 
the outbreak. At the time of the annexation Mang I-6n had been 
divided into two States, east and nest of the Salween. The western 
State was ruled over b>- Sao Maha, a half-brother of the Sawhwn of 
the eastern or main State. Sao Maha corresponded with Lieu- 
tenant Daly, but refused to meet him, and the letters sent did not 
admit the suzerainty of the British Government. This state of 
affairs continued for six years after the annexation and for five 
after every other Cis-Salween Chief had admitted the authority ol 
the Superintendents. In 1892, therefore, Ton Hsang, the Eastern 
Chief, was put in direct charge of both sides of the Salween. 
During the rains, however, Sao Maha obtained support from several 
minor Wa Chiefs, re-established himself in Na Lao, west of the 
river, and burnt some villages in East Mang Lon, with the assistance 
of his chief allies Ngek Hting and Loi Lon. He now again disap- 
peared on the approach of the Superintendent, who marched 
through a great part of the Wa country, Including the wilder terri- 
tory, to assure the tribes of the peaceful intentions of the Govern- 
ment and to pledge them not to support Sao Maha. Since then 
West Mang Lon has remained at peace, but there have been several 
disturbances east of the Salween, promoted by Sao Maha and others 
from Chinese territory. 

On his return west of the Salween the Kachins readily laid down 
their arms when assured by the Superintendent that their grievances 
would be enquired into. The sMitary exception was at Pang Tap, 
near the Chinese frontier, where he was fired on. The village was 
burnt and several of those who were engaged in the attack at Man 
Hang were killed. As the result of enquiries held on the ground 
and at Lashio an Assistant Political Oflficer was appointed to North 
Hsen Wi to put a stop to the friction between the Sawbna and his 
Kachin subjects. The duties of this officer were to collect revenue 
from the Kachins on behalf of the Suwhwa, to settle tribal quarrels, 
and generally lo maintain nrder within the Kachin mdngs. In many 
cases where Kachins and Shans were found living in the same circle 
the Kachin villages were formed into separate circles, each with its 
own headman, and a similar separation was made in some cases 
between Kachins of different tribes. The results have been emi- 
nently satisfactory and what troubles there have since been have 
been either purely local or have been due to the uncertainty of the 
boundary with Cninese territory. 

Since 1893 peace and prosperity have been maintained through- 
out the Shan States and the only troubles which have occurred 
have been on the frontier. Indeed, it may said that from the very 



first the Shans accepted our authority loyally and that the few 
disturbances there have been, arose either from disputed accessions, 
from the restless and predatory habits of the hill tribes, or from the 
machinations of outlaws driven out of Burma. The garrison in the 
Shan States has always been very small ; the number of British posts 
even now can almost be counted on one hand, yet the amount of seri- 
ous crime has always been less than in Burma and tends to decrease, 
except where there is an alien population. This is the more sur- 
prising since the country is so extensive and so difficult to get 
about in that even now, more than ten years after the British occu- 
pation, there are parts which no officer has ever visited. 

It will be suflicient barely to note the chief events of each year 
since 1893, when the tribute to be paid by each State was fixed for 
the second period of five years. The sums demanded were pur- 
po.%ely small with the object of assisting the development and 
repopulation of the States, and with the same object the Sawbwas 
were instructed to submit rough budgets to the Superintendents, 
showing their proposed receipts and expenditure for the coming 

In January and February 1894, Mr. Lcveson was engaged on an 
expedition to the Brfe and Padaung country, which lies between the 
Karen Hill Tracts of the Toungoo district and the Western I^arcnni 
States. This expedition was undertaken in consequence of a raid 
committed on Lokadash^, a village on the north-eastern border of 
the Karen Hill Tracts. Until this expedition verv Hitle was known 
of the condition of the country of the Br^s and r.idaungs beyond 
the fact that the people were in a disturbed slate. They were 
found 10 be practically lawless, the various villages were technically 
under one or other of the various Shan or Karcnni Chiefs, but were 
either uncontrolled or were beyond their control They were there- 
fore placed under the general charge of the Civil Officer at Loikaw 
with considerable advantage to themselves and their neighbours. 

Another expedition, conducted by Mr. Stirling in the same year 
along the Keng Tong frontier, also brought us into relations with 
various hill tribes other than the Shans and settled different frontier 

In the Northern Shan States the chief work was the pacification 
of the Kachins of Hsen \Vi, by Mr. W. A. Graham, and the estab- 
lishment of order in the hilly country at the point of meeting of 
the Tawng Peng Loi Long and Hsi Paw States with the Ruby 
Mines district by placing a post at Mong Ngaw, The lax and cor- 
rupt administration of the border officials of Hsum Hsai and Mong 
LOno; States, subordinate to Hsi Paw, were chiefly responsible for 
this. The Satobwa of Hsi Paw paid a visit to Englana during the 



yeir. He was cured of a disease of the eyes which had threatened 
him with blindness and was received in audience by Her Majesty 
before his return. The State was administered by his eldest son Sao 
Hkt;, whi^ had spent two years in England studying engineering, but 
the control over the revenue exercised by some of the ministers re- 
suked in so much disorder to the finances that, with the concurrence 
oJthe Sawhwa, an Adviserwas appointed to Hsi Paw and Captain E. 
U. Marrett was the first officer who occupied the post. The resuUs 
have been very satisfactory. Disarmament had previously begun 
and was now carried out thoroughly, monopolies were abolished, and 
the number of officials in particular was greatly reduced. The 
Myozas of Mting Long and Hsum Hsai were removed. The one 
had I>een too suggestive of King Log, the other of King Stork; 
and both districts have since increased in prosperity and population. 
There were, however, still some dacoitiesand serious crimes, among 
them the murder in Wing Hsi Paw of Mr. Lambert of the American 
Mission, but most of them were of the type produced by civilization 
rather than the want of it. 

About this time also the Trans-Salween State of Keng TQng was 
declared to be on the same footing as that of other Shan States in- 
stead of being merely in subordinate alliance and a small garrison 
was established at the capital, where an Assistant Political OtHcer 
had been located for some time. 

Many of the chiefs, notably of Mong Pawn in the south and South 
Hsen Wi in the north, began to do good work in the improvement of 
communications in their States, and at a durbar held by Sir Frederic 
Fryer in May 1895 Trans-Salween, Cis-Salwecn, and Karenni 
Chiefs met for the first time. This was the more noteworthy 
sinct:, during the open season, Keng Tung was in much prominence 
owing to the presence of an Anglo-French Commission on its 
eastern frontier. After the final arrangements with France the Cis- 
M^khong districts of Keng Cheng were handed over to Keng TQng 
and the capital of that State was made the headquarters of one of 
thu Burma Regiments and of an European Political Officer, Mr. G. 
C. B. Stirling, who had buen a member of the British Commission. 

Peace and prosperity had been so marked that it became a press- 
ing necessity to relieve the plethora oF production which had ensued, 
an<l the construction of the Mandahty-Kunlun Railway was begun. 
This must mark a date of far-reaching importance in the histoid of 
the Shan States, when the branch railway to their centre, the align- 
ment of which is still under examination, is carried out. Kven with 
the unmetalled roads existing, the Shan States as far east as Mong 
Nai were able for the first time in their history to supply rice to 
Burma during 1897. The Northern Shan States, partly owing to 



the more mountainous character of the country, the greater pre- 
ponderance of wild tribes, and the absence of certainty as to the 
boundary Une which affords facihties to malcontents from Burma 
and elsewhere beyond the border, have not yet attained the same 
height of peace and security. Both in 1896 and 1897 there were 
hostilities with certain petty Wa communities, provoked on each 
occasion by these tribesmen. This did not, however, affect the 
tranquillity of the main body of the charge. The future policy to be 
adopted in relation to these Wa States has not yet been finally 
settled by the Government of India. So long as they do not inter- 
fere with Mang Lon, they will for the present be let alone. 

Thij Administrative History of the Shan States. — Early in 1886 
a notification was issued under the Statute XXXill Vic. Cap. 3, 
constituting Upper Burma, except the Shan States, a scheduled 
district. At the same time the whole of Upper Burma, including 
the Shan States, was declared to be a part of British India. By 
section 8 of the Upper Burma Laws Act, 1886, the local Govern- 
ment is empowered, with the sanction of the Governor- General 
in Council, to defme the Shan States from time to time, and by the 
same section the Shan States are excluded from the operation of 
any Act not specially extended to them by the local Government 
with the sanction ot the Governor-General in Council. 

In 18S7 the Shan States were first defined under section 8 of the 
Upper Burma Laws Act. In November 1891 and again in July 
1895 revised notifications defining the Shan States were issued. 
The Shan States, as at present defined by the notification of July 
1895, are divided into — 

I. — The Northern Shan States, under the supervision of 
the Superintendent, Northern Shan States — 
(r) Tawng Peng (Burmese Taungbaing.) 

(2) North Hsen \\"\ (Theinni). 

(3) South Hsen Wi (Theinni). 

(4) Hsi Paw (Thibaw), with its dependencies Mong LOng 

(Mainglun), Hsum Hsai (Thonz^), and Mong Tung 

(5) East and West Mang Lon (Mainglun), with their depen- 

dencies including Maw Hpa, M6t Hai, Huk Lap, Mang 
Hseng, Mang Pat, and Ngek Hting. 
All these are .SVza'ia'aships. 

(6) All territories east of Salween river, not mentioned else- 

where in this notification, which on the 27th November 
1885 owed allegiance directly or indirectly to the King 
of Burma and which still form part of Upper Burma. 




These are the various Wa States and the communities of other 
races which maintain themselves here and there among them. 

II. — The Southern Shan States, under the supervision of 
the Superintendent and Political Officer, Southern Shan States. 


(t) Mong Nai (Mon£r), with its dependency Keng Tawng 

(2 Mong Pan (Maingpan), with its Trans-Salween dependen- 
cies M5ng Hta, Mong Hang, Mong Kyawt, and Mong 

(3) Lawk Sawk (YatsauU), with Its dependency Mong Ping 


(4) Yawng Hwe (Nyaungywe), with its dependencies Lai Hsak 
(Letthet^ Anglewa (Inleywa), Kyawktap (Kyauktat), 
and Hsi Hkip (Thigyit.) 

(5) Mone Kiing (Maingkaing). 

(6) Lai Hka (L&gya). 

(7) Mong Pawn (Maingpun). 

(8) Mawk Mat (Maukmfe), with its Trans-Salween dependencies 
Mfe Hsakun and Mong Mau. 

(9) Mong Pai (Mobyfe.) 
(10) Keng TQng (Kyaington) and its dependencies including 

Mong Pu, Mong Hsat, Hsen Mawng, and Hsen Yawt 
(Thinyutand Thvnmaung) and the Cis-Mfekhong portion 
of Keng Cheng (Kyaingchaing). 

' Myosaships. 

(u) Mong Nawng (Maingnaung). 

(12) Kehsi Mansan (Kyethi Bansan). 

(13) Mong Si (Maingsclk). 

(14) Hsa HtUng (That6n) including Tam Hpak (Tabet) and 
Mang Lon (Letmaing). 

(15) Wan Yin (Banyin). 
{16) Nawng Wawn (Naungm6n). 

(17) Sa Koi (Sagwe). 

(18) Keng Hkam (Kyaingkan). 

(19) Ho Pong (Hopon) including Hai Long (Hfel6n). 

(20) Nam Hkok (Nankok). 

(21) Mong Hsu (Maingshu). 
(23) Mong Sang (Maingsin). 

(23) Keng Lon (Kyainglun). 

(24) Loi L6ng (Lw616n), 



HI. — The Mvelat, under thesupenision of the Superintendent 
and Political Officer, Southern Shan States. 


(i) Maw Nang (Bawnin). 


(2) Ye Ngan (Ywangan). 

(3) Pwe La (Pwnhla). 

(4) Maw Son (Bawzaing). 

(5) Nam HkOm (Nank6n). 

(6) Pang Mi (Pinhmi). 

(7) Loi Maw (Lw6maw). 

(8) Nam T6k (NanUok). 

(9) Kyawkku Hsi Wan (Kyaukkuleywa). 

(10) Pang Tara (Pindaya). 

(11) Ky6ng(Ky6n). , r • a 
(la) Hsa Mong Hkam (Thamakan including Makwe,) Loi An, 

Tawng La, and Meng Hti. 

(13) Loi Ai Lw6 E). 

(14) Nam Hkai (Nankfe). 

(15) Maw(Baw). 

IV.— States under the supervision of the Commissioner, Nor- 
thern Division — 

Mong Mit (Momeik), with its dependency Mong Lang (Moh- 
laing) and Hkamti L6ng (Kantigyi). 

V. — States under the supervision of the Commissioner, Central 
Division — 

(i) Hsawng HsQp (Taungthut). 

(a) Singkaling Hlcamti (ilingalein Kanti). 

Maw (Baw) remained until 1895 under the Commissioner of the 
Eastern Division and was then restored to its former position as one 
of the Myelat States, and Loi LOng until the same time was included 
in the Myelat, hut was then separated. The status of the Trans- 
Salween States was not definitely settled till the same year, when 
they were placed on the same footing as the other Shan States. 
Keng Hung and Mong Lem were then ceded to China, and Keng 
Hsen, which had been in Siamese hands before the annexation, was 
also excluded from the Shan States. 

Before the passing of the Shan States Act, 1888, the only way in 
which enactments could be extended tn the Shan States was by noti- 
fication under section 8 of the Upper Burma Laws Act. This section 
gives no power to modify any enactment to suit the circumstances 



of the States. Except by the application of enactments in force in 
other parts of I3ritish India there was no power to regulate the 
administration of the Shan States. The authority and powers of 
the Chiefs and of their official were exercised without any legal 
sanction. Towards the end of 1 888 the Shan States Act was passed 
for the purpose of placing these matters on a more satisfactory- 
footing. This Act came into force on the ist February 1889. By 
section 3 the ci\ni, criminal, and revenue administration of every 
Shan State is vested in the Chief of the State subject to the re- 
strictions specified in the sanad granted to him. Under the same 
section the law to be administered in each State is the customary 
law of the State so far as it is in accordance with justice, equity, 
and good conscience, and not opposed to the spirit of the law in the 
rest of British India. The customary law may be modified by any 
enactment extended under the Upper Burma Laws Act, and it may 
be brought into accordance with justice, equity, and good conscience, 
and into conformity with the spirit of the law in the rest of British 
India by orders Issued by the local Government under section 4, 
sub-section (i), clause (d), of the Shan States Act. By the section 
last quoted power to appoint officers to take part in the administra- 
tion of any State, and to regulate the powers and proceedings of 
such officers, is vested in the Government, and section 5 of the Act 
enables the Government to modify any enactment extended to the 
Shan States. 

T/te Northern and Southern Shan States. — In the Northern and 
Southern Shan States the criminal and civil as well as the revenue 
administration is vested in the Chiefs subject to the limitations laid 
down in their sanads, and to restrictions imposed by the extension 
of enactments and the issue of orders under the Shan States Act. 
The customary law of these States, except the Myelat, has been 
modified by Notification No. 11, dated the 19th November 1890, 
which specifies the punishments which may be Inflicted for offences 
against the criminal law, limits the infliction of certain .punishments 
to the more heinous offences, and prescribes simple rules of pro- 
cedure in criminal cases. The Superintendents exercise general con- 
trol over the administration of criminal justice and have power to 
call for cases and to exercise wide revisionary powers. All criminal 
jurisdiction in cases in which either the complainant or accused is 
a European or American or a Government servant or a British sub- 
ject not a native of a Shan State Is withdrawn from the Chiefs and 
vested in the Superintendents and Assistant Superintendents. The 
expression Assistant Superintendent includes any Assistant Com- 
missioner, Extra Assistant Commissioner, or any officer appointed 
by the Lieutenant-Governor to discharge all or any of the functions of 



an Assistant Superintendent. The Subdivisional Officers, Maymvo, 
Mogok, and Mong Mit, and the Adviser to the Hsi Paw SawbwakTe 
ex'officio Assistant Superintendents. In the cases above mentioned 
the ordinary criminal law in force in Upper Burma on the 30th May 
1889 is in force in these States. In such cases the Superintendents 
exercise the powers of District Magistrates and Sessions Judges 
and the Assistant Superintendents powers of a District Magistrate 
under section 30 and section 34 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 
1883. The Superintendents and Assistant Superintendents, if Eu- 
ropean British subjects, are also ex'officio Justices of the Peace in 
the States. The Superintendent has been specially empowered to 
withdraw from subordinate Ma^strates such cases as he thinks fit. 
Each Superintendent and Assistant Superintendent exercises the 
powers of a Magistrate under the Foreign Jurisdiction and Extra- 
dition Act, 1881, parts of which are In force in the States. The 
Superintendents are also Marriage Registrars under the Indian 
Christian Marriage Act, and District Judges under the Adminis- 
trator-General's Act, 1874. In the cases in which the Superinten- 
dents and Assistant Superintendents exercise criminal jurisdiction 
the Lieutenant-Governor is the High Court, except where European 
British subjects are concerned. The Lieutenant-Governor also 
exercises certain powers under the Marriage Act. 

Neither the Superintendents nor the Assistant Superintendents 
have power to try civil suits, whether the parties are Shans or not. 

The Myelat. — In the Myelat a closer approach to the law in 
force in other parts of India has been prescribed. It was repre- 
sented that the Myelat had always been administered according to 
the law in force in the rest of Upper Burma and it was thought 
desirable to maintain this practice. 

The criminal law in force in the Myelat is practically the same 
as the law in force in Upper Burma on the 38th November 1889. 
In order that they may have jurisdiction in criminal matters the 
Ngwekutthmus of all the Myelat States have been appointed Magis- 
trates of the and class. The Myozas of Lwel6n and Sagwfe are 
not Magistrates and exercise no criminal jurisdiction in their States. 
In the Myelat the Superintendent and the Assistant Superintendent 
exercise the same criminal jurisdiction as in other States, except 
that their jurisdiction extends to all criminal cases and not merely 
to the cases in which Europeans and others above mentioned are 
concerned. The Assistant Superintendent has been empowered to 
hear appeals from sentences passed by Magistrates of the and class. 
In other respects the law in the Myelat and the powers exercised 
by the Lieutenant-Governor, the Superintendent, and the Assistant 



gari of a Sikh and in the south it is often merely the scarf which 
the Burma woman carries over her shoulders. 

The people are a quiet, mild, good-humoured race, as little addict- 
ed to intemperance in drinking or opium-smoking as the Burmese. 
Goitre is very common in the hills and is, as elsewhere, slightly more 
prevalent among the women than among the men. 

The Tai race now is everywhere Buddhist. It seems very im- 
Tai religion and probahle that this was the religion of the Nam 
*^'"'°'"'- Chao Kingdom, which is more likely to have been 

naga or dragon worship, spirit»worship, or the worship of the 
dead, which is limited in China to the cult of ancestors, but in Tibet 
has overlaid Buddhism to such an extent that some of the hierophants 
profess themselves lo be dead men ; or it may have been Sivaism, 
the worship of the hero-gods of the hills, which was closely connect- 
ed with the ancient religion of the non-Aryan Himalayan hill tribes. 
Siva was not incorporated by the Brahmans into their pantheon 
until about the commencement of our era. It is at any rate uncer- 
tain when Buddhism was introduced. The current legends in regard 
to it are manifestly untrustworthy and they give no real hint as to 
whether the religion travelled north from Thaton, where it was estab- 
lished by Buddha G6sha about A. D. 400, or came along the line 
of the Himalayas. We know that in the early days of the Pagan 
Kingdom naga worship was the prevalent religion. It still overlies 
the belief of the people, but the ancient animistic religion has an 
even stronger hold, not only over Shan but over Burmans. King 
Anawra-hta was a zealous reformer of religion and, as he married 
into the family of the Mao Shans, he probably made his influence 
felt at what was then the chief seat of the Tai race. But it would 
seem that Buddhism must have remained more or less corrupt and 
inert, for in A. D. 1562 Buyin Naung, another propagandist King, 
is specially recorded to have forced religious reforms on the Shans 
of the Upper Irrawaddy. It is certainly a fact, as Dr. Gushing 
says, '* that where Burman influence among the Shans has been 
*' greatest, Buddhism has its strongest hold on them. The Bud- 
*' dhism of the principalities west of the Salween presents no such 
*' laxity of practice on the part of the pongyis as it does east of 
" the Salween." The monks of Kcng Hung wear skull caps and 
smoke habitually ; they trade in many places and own pack cattle; 
some of their wats are rather caravanserais, or even fortified po- 
sitions, than monasteries, and they frequently carry swords and 
sometimes even guns when they go abroad. The monks of Siam 
also, it may be noted, are not very exact in their observance of the 
rules of the Book of the Enfranchisement. 


■ jrv.j ti it._i,- aan—. L.,t^ini.jw>. 





It is not yet certain where among the modern Tai the branch 
least affected by outside influences is to be found, and it is certain 
that the British Shans have taken many of their customs from the 
Burmese, or have assimilated their own to those of their conquer- 
ors. But it is by no means certain that in Upper Burma, at any 
rate, the Tai influence has not been the stronger. The prevalence 
of animistic religion there seems due to them, and the Shans are 
generally admitted to be abler astrologers and more potent tattooers 
than Burmans. 

The following notes on their manners and customs differing or 
varying from those of the Burmese are furnished by Mr. W. R. 

Birth. — At birth no particular ceremonies are performed. The 
mother is not secluded, nor is the couvade practised, signs of 
which may be traced among some of the Karen tribes. No rules 
of diet are enforced on the woman during pregnancy, but after child- 
birth the mother is forbidden the following : — 

(i) Sambhur flesh. 

(2) The flesh of the barking deer ; 

(3) The fish called pamong (o-[t^S); 

(4) Oranges ; 

(5) Vermicelli ; 

(6) Sessamnm oil; 

(7) i£)S'OcS^ hpak-kut (a vegetable fern) ; 

(8j Onions (tj6«o8), /ipak-mi ; 

(9) Tomatoes (0^:^80^), mak'kd-hsum\ 
for one month after the birth of the child. These things are said 
not to agree with a newly b-jrn infant. Immediately after child- 
birth the mother has her stomach bandaged and sits with her back 
exposed to a fire made of any wood which when punctured does 
not exude milky sap or gum. The woods generally used are : — 

(} ) o'^, oak, mai-nim. 

(3) o'jocS mai-kut (undetermined). 
{3) w'o^, tnai-kmak (a tree-fern). 

(4) «'8c6^ mai-miit (undetermined). 

(5) w'goT^ mai-kaw, the chestnut. 

The mother is considered unclean for seven days and before en- 
tering upon the duties of the household has to bathe and put on 
clean garments. Pine-wood (08^^ mai-pek) is burnt and the 



mother inhales the smoke and- also inhales coq8>C,5 {nigella 

saiiva) like the Burmese. This is to prevent a rising of the blood 
to the head, which might cause bleeding at the nose and mouth. 
If this happens, the woman is given a decoction of turmeric or some 
monkey's blood. The husband observes no special diet during the 
pregnancy of his wife or after her delivery, but it is considered 
undesirable that he should — 

(i) drive pigs ; | (iii) bore holes in the ground ; 

(ii) carry the dead ; | (iv) Fill in holes ; 
(v) mock others. 

After a month the child is bathed in water, into which, if the 
infant is a boy, there have been put gold, silver, precious stones, a 
lo-tola weight, a 5-tola weight, a 2-tola weight, and other 
standard weights down to one-eighth of a tola. If the infant is a 
girl, gold, silver, and all the ornaments of her sex are put in the 
bath water. If the child is of well-to-do parents, one and a half 
tolas weight of gold is tied as a pendant round the child's neck, 
and if of poor people, four annas weight of silver. The child is now 
named by one of the elders, who ties a cord consisting of seven 
threads round the wrist. 

The name is given in the following order : — 
First son — Ai, jdd' 
Second son — Ai Yi, JDD o3 
Third son — Ai Hsam, jdd'oo 
Fourth son — Ai Hsai, 4X>^oJ 
Fifth son — Ai Ngo, jdd'cjS 
Sixth son — Ai N6k, jdd^^^ 
Seventh son — Ai Nu, jxt^'^e 
Eighth son — Ai Nai, jdoV 
First daughter— Nang Ye. ^5go5 
Second daughter — Nang Yi, x5o8 
Third daughter — Nang Am, xSjSD 
Fourth daughter — Nang Ai, w8j3d' 
Fifth daughter— Nang O, ^6aj6 
Sixth daughter— Nang 6k, ^6j3CJ^ 
Seventh daughter— Nang It, ^SdBoS 



These names are retained by both boys and girls, unless changed 
under the following conditions :■ — 

(i) When the boy enters a monastery- 

(aj When, after three or four years, the child is re-named with 
a name indicating the day of birth. 

(3) When illness causes a change of name. This is especially 
the case when the child was born on a day unlucky 
according to the Hp^-wan ( v. post.) 

A boy when old enough to talk and learn, is sent to the monastic 
school, which he attends until he has learnt the first doxology. 
When he can repeat this three times without fault before the head 
fongyi of the monastery, he exchanges his ordinary clothes for 
those of the holy order and remains in the monastery under a name 
given him by the pongyi. 

This name begins or ends with one of the following letters, ac- 
cording to the day of his birth : — 

Sunday — Any vowel sound: as (Hsang) Aw. 
Monday — ^, hk^ ng. : as Kaw-liya. 
Tuesday — s, hs, ny : as Santa. 
Wednesday — y, I, w- as Wilahsa. 
Thursday — p, hp, m • as Pansfikta. 
Friday — hs, h '• as Hsawna. 
Saturday — /, hi, n : as Nanta. 

The name thus given is ordinarily retained for life. In the case 
of girls the name is given by an elder, not by a monk. 

When illness, or bad luck^ suggi^sts a change of name, a cere- 
mony is performed by which the child is supposed to be exchanged 

{a) a piece of coarse cloth ; it is then called Ai Man, or 
Nang Man = Master or Miss Coarse Cloth • 

(b) a piece of silver ; the name is then Ai or Nang Ngun= 
Master or Miss Silver '■ 

(c) a pair of scales in which the child is weighed ; if it 
weighs more than a viss, the name adopted is Ai or 
Nang Hsoi Hsa=Masteror Miss More-than-a-viss : or 

{d) the child is put into a pot and a make-believe of 
roasting it is gone through ; the name then adopted 
is Ai or Nang Kaw = Master or Miss Roast: 

{e) the child is thrown away by the parents, picked up by 
some one settled beforehand and restored to the father 
and mother ; such children are called Ai or Nang Kip= 
Master or Miss Picked-up : 



(y) the child is given to a visitor in the house, who restores 

it after a decent interval, with the result of the appear- 
^ ance of At or Nan^ Hkek = MasteT or Miss Visitor: 
(g) advantage is taken of the full moon to lose and find the 

child again and so achieve the name Ai or Nang M6n= 

Master or Miss Full-moon : 
(A) advantage is taken of birth-marks to give the name of 

Ai or Nang Mai=Master or Miss Marks : 

and so on according to the inventiveness of the household. 
Such changes are most common in cases of sickness, but any- 
thing which tends to show that the child is exposed to hostile 
influences justifies them. If there is no apparent result, the child 
may be taken with other offerings to the monastery and thereafter 
called Ai or Nang Lu = Master or Miss Alms. Names got in this 
way may be changed in the case of a boy by his subsequent adop- 
tjon of the yellow robe. 

Afarriage. — Marriage is permissible with any caste or creed. 
There is no trace of the Karen cxclusiveness. If a person of either 
sex dies without marrying, the corpse before bunal is knocked 
against a stump, which is assumed to represent husband or wife. 
If this ceremony were omitted, it is believed thai the person 
would in the next Iransincorporation also die unmarried. 

When a young man takes a fancy to a girl, he visits her at her 
parents' house. If she likes him, she goes off with him to the 
house of his parents. Next day the parents of ihe young man go 
to the girl's house, announce what has happened, make a present of 
salt and tea to her parents, hope that the incident may not be 
distasteful, and request that a day may be fixed for a more formal 
ceremony of union. When this is agreed to, the girl goes home 
to the house of her parents again. 

In towns and among the bettcr-to-do people the process is not 
quite so precipitate. The girl, having made up her mind, refers her 
wooer to the old people. His parents again obligingly carry on 
the negotiations. They take salt and sugar on such occasions 
and obtain the sanction of her parents to fix the day for the public 

This is done in accordance with the //pi Pf^an, regard being had 
to the birthdays of man and maid; the position of the dragon, 
when each of these events happened, and for the time being; the 
Nakais, or stellar influences ; and so forth. It should be calculated 
by an expert and is, whenever it can be afforded. 

On the day appointed the relatives of both parties and the parties 
themselves meet in the house of the bride. The bridegroom brings 


a vissof tea and a viss of salt tied together into a parcel, with what 
money he can afford to give the parents of the girl as compensation 
for her loss. This he deposits before the bride's parents and makes 
a formal proposal for the hand of their daughter. The parents 
untie the bundles and take out the money, whereupon one of the 
elders of the village carries the tea and salt out into the street, 
holds them above his head, and calls on earth, sun, and sky to bear 
witness to the union of the man and the woman. He then comes 
back into the house and ties a cord of seven threads round the left 
wrist of the bride and one round the right wrist of the bridegroom 
and the ceremony is over. The bridegroom distributes money 
among the village elders present and all sit down to a feast, after 
which the bride carries her things over to the bridegroom's house. 

When all concerned approve the marriage, mutual consent Is 
practically all that is necessary, and living together proclaims the 

Divorce is effected by mutuaJ consent and the man gives the 
woman a letter of freedom to re-marry. If the wife claims a divorce 
and the husband is not willing, a payment of thirty rupees sets her 
free. U the husband alone claims the divorce, he forfeits all the 
household property. Where a couple simply agree to part and no 
fault on either side is alleged, if there are no children, each takes 
his or her original property and all joint stock is divided. If there 
are children, the girls go with the mother, and the sons with the 
father. The whole of the property is collected and father and 
mother each take one-tenth. The remaining four-fifths are then 
equally divided between parents and children, share and share alike. 
Where Xhe causa causans is with the man, the woman is entitled to 
his house, garden, and all household goods, and the man is only 
allowed to remove arms, tools, and his immediate personal effects. 
Where the fault lies with the wife, she is sent back to her family, or 
turned out without anything. 

IK man may not marry his own or his ^xife's mother, grand- 
mother, or aunt, or his sisters, and conversely with a woman. All 
other alliances are permissible. Polygamy is sanctioned, but not 
common, except with the wealthy. Polyandry is forbidden. A 
widow is free to marry and to act as she pleases. No one has a 
claim on her. Infanticide is unknown. 

Diseases are cured by the use of medicines, which are chiefly 
herbs, by shampooing, and by exorcism when these fail and the 
illness is assumed to be caused by evil spirits. The dead are 
buried usually in the jungle, or in a grove near the village. The 
grave-diggers, before getting out of the newly dug grave, carefully 



sweep it out with brambles or thoms to expel any evil spirits that 
may be there. The corpse is dressed in new clothes. Care must 
be taken that there is no mark of a bum on them. It is better to 
bury the body naked than in such clothes. Fire would consume 
the deceased in the next existence. Persons who have touched 
the corpse are required to bathe before they re-enter the village. 
There is no mourning dress for man or woman, no matter how close 
the relationship. 

Law was administered by the SaTohwas and Myozas and their 
Amats and by Htn^s and HtamSngs, the district officials. The 
customary laws of the people were nominally founded on the 
Dhammathai, modified by the rulings of the sages and a great 
deal by local custom. 

Murder could always be purged by money payment. In most 
places the amount was three hundred rupees, but in the north the 
rule seems to have been (a) three hundred and thiny-three rupees 
to the next of kin j {b) three hundred and thirty-three to the 
official deciding the case; (c) half this sum, or Rs. 166-8-0, to the 
Amats ; {d, a quarter, or Rs. 83-4-0, to the clerk of the Court ; 
and (e) one-sixih, or Rs. 55-8-0, to the bailiffs and messengers. 
If the murderer could not pay, his relations had to; if his relations 
could not, then his village ; if the village could not, then the amouut 
was recovered from the circle. If the murderer belonged to another 
race or State and payment was refused, the amount was taken by 
force, which usually resulted in reprisals. If two brothers ft>ught 
and one was killed, the whole family forfeited their household goods, 
but not their land. When a murderer paid up the wergild, he was 
absolutely free and no slur or stain attached to him. At onetime, 
however, a defaulter, with his whole family, was liable to be handed 
over as slaves to the relations of the murdered man. 

As under Anglo-Saxon law there were bots for wounds and 
mutilations, so there were compensations Bxed for flesh wounds or 
the loss of limbs. 

The rules governing property and inheritance were practically 
those of the Dhammatkat or of that code as interpreted in Burma. 
Wills might be made, but in cases of intestacy the rule was first 
downwards, then upwards, then side-ways, that is to say, children 
(and the surviving parent) had the first claim ; failing children, 
parents ; failing parents, brothers and sisters. The division was 
carried out in different ways. In some parts the chief wife got 50 
per cent, of the estate and the children and other wives had equal 
shares of the remainder. In other places the whole property was 
divided into five parts of equal value. The chief wife, after paying 



all debts, took one-fiftK and the remaining four were then shared 
equally by all wives and children, the chief wife included. 

The Sawbwa on the foundauon of a village or circle designated 
the limits of the land at its disposal. Within these limits land 
m\0M usually be disposed of by the village headman or the eldfrs. 
Original clearing and cultivation, however, conferred a title which 
vested in the original squatter, even if he ceased to cultivate. But 
if he left the State the right lapsed. Right to such land was 
inherited in the ordinary way and could be bought and sold. No 
strange community or individual, however, was allowed to settle in 
a State without the permission of the Chief. Migrations were, how- 
ever^ very frequent and new arrivals were almost always welcome. 

Until King Mindon introduced the thathameda system and coin- 
age, revenue was paid in produce and all transactions were by 
barter. Silver has always existed in large quantities and passed by 
weight. The Shans, however, had a sort of coinage of a clam 
shell shape, and specimens of these old coins may frequently be 
seen hung round the necks of children. Latterly in most places the 
tax was levied according to the number of baskets of send sown. 
But everywhere many circles and villages were exempted from pay- 
ments in return for services of the kind known in English history 
as grand or fetit serjeanty. Thus in the Hsen Wi neighbourhood 
one village supplied the Sawbiva with orchids, another with fruits, 
another with syces and mahouts, others with torches and the like, 
while'everywhere there were villages exempted for supplying labour 
on the SaivbTDa*s fields, or servants for his household. Every male 
fit for war might be called out when necessary, but in all States 
there were families or circles which supplied the Sawbwa's body- 
guard by hereditary right, and therefore held houses and lands 

The Shans will eat anything, fish, flesh, fowl or reptile; nothing 
is forbidden but human flesh, and the consumption of that was 
always permissible during certain forms of tattooing common among 
military officers of distinction. Cicadas and the pup.-e of a large 
species of beetle (a scaraba^us) are considered delicacies and may 
sometimes be seen for sale in the markets. Snakes are only regu- 
larly eaten by the Tai Dam (the Black Shans) of the Trans-M^khong 
country, who prefer them to any other form of diet, and it is pos- 
sible they may have taken the habJt from their neighbours, the Hka 
Muks, but everywhere lizards are consumed. 

Agriculture is everywhere the chief occupation and there is much 
spirit worship in connection with it, though there is no recognized 
Demeter or Ceres. The first-fruits of the crop are always taken as 



an offering to the village monastery befofc any is eaten by the 

The stealing of cattle is considered the most serious crime in the 
States and was at one time always punished with death. The 
Track Law was always vigorously enforced. This is laid down as 
follows in the Manu Kye Dhammathat: — 

"The law by which the district to which the footmarks of stolen cattle 
arc traced shall be caused to mike good the loss. 

" Oh King! If anyone's horses, buffaloes or oxen be stolen, and the foot- 
marks are really traced to any district, that diatrict may be sued ; if the 
fact be not ascertainedior there be no foitniarksj there shall be no claim 
against the district Wise men must note this. If horses, buffaloes, oroxeo 
be lost, aud the owner shall trace their footmarks into any village, the 
people of the village and the ihugyi, that they may be free from blame, 
ought to go with him and point out the place where the foot-marks leave 
the village. If they do not show the place by which they left the village, 
they should be caused to replace them," 

The owner tracks up the cattle to the limits of his own village or 
circle ; there he makes over the foot-prints to the headman and the 
villagers of the next circle, who follow them to their uwn border and 
pass them on to those next responsible and so on till the animals 
are found or the tracks lost. Unless for very good cause shown, 
the village beyond which the foot-prints cannot be taken is always 
held responsible. 

In their civil wars practically every one was called out. , The 
warriors started with a few days' rice supply tied in a bundle at their 
backs and after that was eaten, lived on the country. Each man 
paid his devotions at the village shrine before he left. During his 
absence his wife was forbidden to do any work on every fifth day 
and remained within her house; each day she filled an earthen pot 
with water to the brim and put in fresh flowers and leaves. If the 
flowers withered or much water evaporated; it was considered a bad 
sign ; each night she swept the floor and laid out her husband*s 
bedding and she was on no account to lie on it herself, if she 
could, she sent food out to him, but this was impossible where long 
distances had to be travelled. The bands therefore burnt and 
ravaged wherever they went. A single check usually meant the 
failure of the expediiion, but there were always bands of adventur- 
ers, who joined in hostilities for the sake of the plunder to be got, 
and these naturally joined the side which took the offensive. Mu- 
tilation of the slain was common. In every case the head was cut 
off and brought to the Chief, who rewarded the bringer with a 
larger or smaller sum, according lo the rank of the victim. While 
the war was going on these heads were mounted on posts outside the 



tovm as signs of victoryi but they disappeared when the war was 

Every Chief is called a Sao Hpa by the Shans. The lesser rank 
of Myoza was introduced by the Burmese and the name was never 
accepted by the Shans. Tributary Chiefs were called Sao I/pa Awn, 
little Sawbwas. Each Chief had a number of Amats^ many or 
few, according to the extent of his territory. The Amats were 
chosen for iheir capacity and the title was not usually hereditary. 
The State was parcelled out amongst a number of district officials 
called Hsngs, Hianiongs^ Nsungs, Kangs, Kes, andKin-m'dngs. In 
the Southern Shan States there are few, except llengs and Hta- 
mongs, and everywhere these arc the more important officials. The 
word Hsng means one thousand and the original HSngships no 
doubt were charges which paid one thousand baskets of rice to the 
over-lord, which seems also to be the meaning of the word Panna 
used in the Trans-Salween State of Keng Hung. The word Hta- 
mdng was anciently written Htao-mdng and means originally an 
elder, Officials below this rank, Kangs and Kbs were mere headmen 
of single villages or of small groupSj but many of the Ndftgs were 
very powerful and had charge of territories more extensive than 
some existing Stales. Thus Mong Nawng, until it was separated 
from Hsen \Vi. was merelv a H£ngs\\\\i of that State, and the present 
H£ng of Ko Kang is wealthier than many Sawbwas, In the north, 
however, Hta-indng has a tendency to be considered the more 
honourable title. 

The following folks-myth gives an account of the origin of the 
Shans and of their government : — 

A man aged five thousand years started from the east in search 
of a wife and at about the same time a woman aged five thousand 
years started from the west in search of a husband. These two 
met in the middle of the Shan States and became man and 
wife. They had eight sons and seven daughters, who multiplied 
in their turn and produced a large population. The eight sons and 
their children claimed to rule the others and thus caused a confusion 
of tongues, and they then separated and went in various directions 
with their families and their herds. The names of the eight sons 
were Ai, Ai Yi, Ai Hsam, Ai Hsai, Ai Ngo, At Nu, Ai Nok, and Ai 
Nai, whose names are given to male children to the present day in 
that order. The two eldest were not able to agree as to who should 
be Chief, and they invited two kings from the north to come and 
rule over the Shan country. These two are said to be the sons of 
Hkun Sang, the king of the heaven, who had despatched them on 
purpose to save the Shan States from destruction. On their way 



they met a man called Sang Hpan, who said he wished to follow 
them, and they accepted his services. 

A little farther on they met another man Turiya, who was a singer, 
and him also they took with them and arrived at the place called 
Sampuralit, which is in the south-east of the Shan States. There 
they founded their city, and first they laid down the eight essentials 
of a city — 

(i) A bazaar. 

(2) Water-supply. 

(3) Palace buildmgs. 

(4) Other houses. 

(5) Fields. 

(6) Monasteries. 

(7) War chiefs. 

(8) Roads. 

The two first rulers took the names of Maha Khattiya Raza 
and Maha Hsamhpeng Na Raza. The first of these improved 
agriculture and the second introduced weapons. They knew that 
Sampuralit was the place for the city, because when they arrived there 
they found a stone mscribed by the deities with rules for the gover- 
nance of a country. 

From the two sons of Hkun Sang are descended all the Sawbwas 
of the Shan States and from Sang Hpan and Turiya are descended 
all their officials. 

The earth, it is stated, was reared out of the depth of the waters 
by white-ants, first of all in the shape of the Myin-mo mountain, 
with foundations reaching 84,000 yuzana beneath the surface and 
84,000 j^M^flWA above it. It was square in shape. Nine spirits 
came down from on high and separated earth, water and air. They 
then established religions and afterwards created man, animals, 
trees, flowers, fruits, and grain. They divided the world into 16 
divisions. The details are those of the ordinary Buddhist cosmo- 




(The basts of this chapter is the Kaehin Cattitftr dr.iwn up by Captains H. B. Walkrr 
and H. K. Daviks of the Intelligence Department, but additions have liecn made 
from all avaiU-ible sources). 

The Kachins (Chingpaw or Singpho) were the first of the fron- 
tier races with whom we came into contact. They Inhabit the 
country on the north, north-east, and north-west of Upper Burma. 
During the last 50 years they have spread a long way to the South 
in the Northern Shan States and in the districts of Bhamo and 
Katha. Colonel Hannay of the Assam Light lofantry, in a work 
written in 1847, was the first to localize the Chingpaw tribes. Like 
previous authorities, Bayfield, Willcocks, and others, he places them 
generally "on the upper waters of the Irrawaddy," but says more 
specifically that their territory is bounded on the south-east and 
east by Yunnan (they have now overrun a great part of the western 
portion of that province), on the west by Assam, and on the 
south by the 24th degree of north latitude. He adds that their 
northern boundary comes " in contact with the Khumongs, with 
" whom and other tribes residing in the inaccessible regions border- 
" ing on Tartary they are closely allied." 

No explorations have as yet determined their exact northern- 
most limits, but it is nearly certain that they extend as far as 28** 
30' north latitude. 

At the present time, 20* 30' is accepted as their southern limit, 
an extension of 3 J° in 50 years. They probably would have extend- 
ed much farther, if we had not annexed Upper Burma when we did, 
and indeed at the present moment there are isolated Kacbin villages 
far down in the Southern Shan States and even beyond the Salween 
river. They are broken up into small communities each under its 
own Chief and, though wild and savage, arc ver)' good agriculturists. 
Their disunion has been at once a source of weakness to them and 
a cause of trouble to us, for there was no central authority which 
could be subdued or conciliated, with the result of securing general 
peace. Each petty tribe submitted or raided according to its own 
inclinations and interests, and as the district which we now administer 
(described below) covers not much under 20,000 square miles, the 
process of establishing satisfactory relations was not effected 
rapidly or without considerable trouble. 



The Burmans and Shans stood in great awe of the Kachlns. 
For some years before the annexation, it was a common thing for 
villagers in the Bhamo district to sleep in boats on the river, so 
that they might have some chance of escape from a sudden raid. 
Bhamo itself had been attacked in 1884 by a combination of 
Chinese and Kachins and was almost completely destroyed. The 
Shan traders were the victims of excessive black-mail, which the 
Kachins levied on all who passed through their territory. Above 
Bhamo no village, Burman or Shan, could exist without putting 
itself under the protection of some chieftain in the adjacent hills. 
The Kachin Owwa, or Chief, came down at irregular intervals and 
levied tribute, ranging from a demand for several buffaloes to a few 
handfuls of salt. The protection granted was somewhat anomalous 
and usually consisted in negotiating the release, of course on the 
payment of large sums, by the wretched Shan Burmans, of slaves 
captured from their village by other Kachins. Sometimes the 
protecting Chief made a retaliatory raid on the Duwa who had inter- 
fered with his clients, but more often he attacked a village of Shan- 
Burmans tributary to the offending village. 

Bhamo was occupied by us on the aSth December 1885, and at 
first the Kachins seemad more curious than hostile. The occu- 
pation of Mogaung and our connection with the jade mines, led to 
our first direct relations with them. In Februarj' 1886 a British 
force, accompanied by Major Cooke, the Deputy Commissioner, 
visited Mogaung and received the submission of the local officials. 
The column went, one party by water and the other by land, to 
Slnbo, cutting a road for itselt part of the way. The Kachins 
were troublesome, but not hostile. From Sinbo the journey to 
Mogaung was accomplished without opposition, either in going or 
coming. At the date of the arrival in Mandalay of the British Ex- 
peditionary Force, the Mogaung district was governed by the elder 
Sawbwaoi Wuntho. He had been deputed thither in 18B3 (two years 
after he abdicated in Wuntho in favour of his son) by the Burmese 
Government to put down a Kachin rising, which had devastated the 
whole neighbourhood. Me was successful both in the restoration 
of order and in his subset^uent administration. The Sawitva, 
Maung Shwe Tha, left Mogaung at the end of 1885, and the Gov- 
ernment was then carried on by a council of three persons, of whom 
the Chief was Maung Kala, who belonged to a family of Chinese 
extraction, long resident in Mogaung, and closely related to the 
Mogaung Tu-ssu, who ruled that district when it was tributary to 
China. He possessed an ancient Chinese official seal, which had 
always been found by the Burmese Government a potent means of 
controlling the Kachins. The other members of the council were 



Maung Shwe Gya and Maung Seln. The former, of mixed 
Kachin and Burman blood> was in charge of the defence of the 
town, and the latter, a Burman, aided Maung Kala in the civil 
administraiion. The council appear to have governed wisely and 
to the satisfaction of the people. They beat off the attacks of 
Li Win-sho, a Chinese dacoit, who had a large and well-armed 
gang, and they kept up friendly relations with the Kachins. 

Major Cooke appointed Maung Kala lo be Myo6k and Maung 
Shwe Gya and Maung Seln to be his assistants, retaining the Bur- 
mese title of Nakhan. Two months after he had left Mogaung, in 
May 1886, Maung Kala was assassinated, and it was discovered 
that the Nakhan Maung Suin and two ffx-officials had hired men to 
commit the murder. It was supposed that they intended to hand 
over the town to a self-styled prince who had appeared in the neigh- 
bourhood. Maung Shwe Gya and the elders of the force arrested 
and promptly executed Maung Sein and his accomplices. The 
Deputy Commissioner then appointed Maung Htun Gywfe, a Rhamo 
oflicial, to be MyoOk, and Maung Po Saw, soft of Maung Kala, to 
be Nakhan of Mogaung. Maung Htun Gywfe went to Mogaung, 
but came back almost immediately to say tliat he had been badly 
received and that he declined to stay there unless supported by 
troops. He was accordingly directed to stay at Sinbo and take 
charge of that part of the Mogaung district which adjoins the Irra- 
waddy. In September a man named Nga Kyi entered Mogaung 
territory and produced a patent of appointment as Sawhwa purport- 
ing to have been issued by the VVuntho Sawbwa. The Mogaung 
officials answered his invitation to them to submit by attacking and 
killing him. In consequence of this exhibition of spirit, Maung 
Htun Gywfe was re-called and Maung Po Saw was appointed Myo6k, 
It was intended to send an expedition to Mogaung at the end of 
1886, but the attitude of the Wuntho Sawbwa was at that time so 
suspicious that the column was diverted 10 Mawlu to watch him 

Meanwhile the Hpimkan Kachins began to be troublesome near 
Bhamo. While the Mogaung party was out two attacks were made 
on the village of Sawadi. The Duwa was ordered to come in to 
Bhamo, but failed to do so, and on the 12th April a party marched 
from Bhamo for Katran. They took several positions and advanc- 
ed some way into the hills, but rain and want of dhoolie-bearers 
forced them to return, with Captain Wace, R.A.,and Captain Lyle, 
of the Welsh Fusiliers, wounded, besides five rank and file. 

On the 22nd May another column advanced from Mansi to- 
wards Katran. It was met by an apology from the Duwa, who 
said his son was responsible for the attack on Sawadi and sent 



some weapons and presents. As the Chief did not come in person 
the advance was continued to Panyaung, lo or 1 1 miles from Kat- 
ran. Some resistance was experienced on the way and a depot for 
stores and wounded was being formed when a doubt arose as to 
whether Katran was not within the Chinese frontier. The column 
halted three days and then returned. The rear-guard was fired on 
during the retreat until the post at Nankin was reached. The 
cause for the abandonment of the advance was not understood by 
the Kachins and they raided frequently on the plains during the 
months of June, July, and August, and on the I4lh November at- 
tacked Bhamo, made their way into the stockade over the north- 
eastern battery, killed three sepoys, and set fire to the barracks. 
They were driven out with a loss of five men. There were several 
encounters with marauding Kachins in the plains during 1887, but the 
hills were left practically unexplored. 

During all that year Po Saw held Mogaung for us as Myook, 
but the accounts of the genuineness of his loyalty were very con- 
flicting. In December 1887, however, he came down to Sinbo, 
met the Deputy Commissioner, Colonel Adamson.and professed to 
be pleased to hear that British troops were to come to Mogaung. 
The expeditionary force under Captain Triscott, R. A., crossed the 
Irrawaddy at Nethagon on the 5th January, arrived at Sinbo on 
the 7th, and reached Mogaung on the i4ih. In the meantime, 
however, an unfortunate incident had happened. One of the Cap- 
tains in the service of the Irrawaddy Flotilla Company had received 
permission to go up the river for the purpose of seeing whether it 
would be possible to establish a steam-boat service above Bhamo. 
This gentleman took advantage of the permission given him to 
go to Mogaung and took with him L6n Pein, the farmer of the 
jade-mine duties. It appears that Lon Pein had made himself 
obnoxious to the Chinese traders in jade and gave out that he was 
going to take possession of the mines. The house in which he and 
his companions were lodging in Mogaung was attacked in the night 
and Lon Pein received wounds from which he afterwards died. The 
Myo6k, Po Saw, is believed to have been implicated in this crime. 

In any case his conscience was bad, for though the people receiv- 
ed the British column in a friendly manner, the Myo6k left the 
town just before its arrival. He was induced to come in the fol- 
lowing day by the Chinese traders, but absconded again on the 
night of the 21st and, though he was pursued, made good his 
escape, and thenceforward remained in open rebellion. He was 
formally deposed and his cousin Maung Hpo Mya appointed in his 
place, but Maung Shwe Gya remained the most useful and power- 
ful auxiliary we had in Mogaung. Colonel Adamson then visited 




and explored the jade mines and interviewed many of the surround- 
ing Kachin Chiefs with satisfactory results. Thence he went to 
the Indawgyi lake, explored the surrounding country without incident, 
and then returned to Mogaung. It is probable that the Mogaung 
country would have remained undisturbed but for Maung Po Saw. 
He instigated the Lepai Kachins to attack the column on the return 
march to Mogaung at the village of Nyaun^chidauk, and prepara- 
tions were made to do so, but they were frustrated by a double 
march which Captain Triscott macie in the hope of capturing Po 
Saw. He failed in this, but he marched into a strong series of 
stockades in the early hours of the morning before the Kachins 
were aware of his approach and killed several of them with the 
loss of one Gurkha of his party. About the same time the Kachins, 
instigated by Po Saw, attacked the mail, between Mogaung and 
Sinbo, and killed a Gurkha and a boatman, and even made an attack 
on Mogaung itself, but were easily beaten off. In these combina- 
tions Po Saw had been chiefly assisted by the Punga Duwa, to 
whose village a very successful punitive expedition was made on 
the 1 7th February by Captain O'Donnell and Mr. D. H. R. Twomey, 

Colonel .'Xdamson then set a price of one thousand rupees on 
Po Saw's head and marched back to Katha, having a brush with 
Kachins stockaded on the Mohnyln river by the way. It is proba- 
ble that Po Saw had hoped to establish himself in semi-independent 
authority in Mogaung and that, even if the Lon Pein incident had 
not occurred, his continued adhesion could not have been secured. 

Mogaung was now constituted a subdi\'ision with an Assistant 
Commissioner in charge, and a strongly fortified stockade was built 
on the bank of the river in the town, which was considerably larger 
than Bhamo. The strength of the garrison was 350 men of the 
Bhamo Militarj* Police Battalion under Captain O'Donnell, but 
there were not enough men available to establish outposts, except 
one on the Mogaung river between Mogaung and Hokat. Nume- 
rous dacoities on the river on trading boats necessitated their going 
in convoys under a periodical escort, and the Kachins soon became 
more aggressive, and on the 10th May 1888 the garrison had to de- 
fend itself. BoTijPo Saw's principal lieutenant, occupied several 
strong positions during the night with a force of four hundred Shans, 
collected from the Uyu country and from Mogaung itself. They were 
not turned out without considerable resistance. Eightof our sepoys 
were killed and fifteen wounded, while, the enemy lost forty killed 
and a large number of wounded. Not long afterwards Bo Ti stockad- 
ed himself at Taungbaw, only three miles from Mogaung, whence he 
was driven on the 23rd May with a loss of twenty-six Kachins killed 
and six taken prisoners without casualty among the Military Police. 



BoTi had been prominent in the murder of L6n Pein and was captured 
by Colonel Adamson and sent down to Bhamo, but escaped from the 
guards. With Po Saw he gained over the Lepai Kachins of Thama, 
whose hill lies north of the junction of the Indaw and Nankon 
rivers and commands Kamaing, so that they were able to put a 
stop to all the rubber and jade trade. 

After Bo Ti's attack the country for the time became quiet, but 
it was necessary to undertake operations in the cold season of 1888- 
89 to bring the Kachin tribes to submission and lo punish them for 
the many outrages committed in the early part of the year. The 
operations included four separate expeditions : — 

(i) Aijainst the Lepai tribe north of Mogaung, the principal 
chief being the head of the Thama sub-clan and the harbourer of 
Po Saw and Bo Ti. 

(2) Against the Ithi or Szi, also a sub-tribe of the Lepais, lo the 
south of Mogaung, the leading Chief being the Duiva of Panga. 

(3) Against the Sana Kachins of the Lahtawng tribe, who had 
raided near Mogaung in May. 

(4) Against the Marans, wliose sub-tribe, the Makans, and others 
in the neighbourhood of Sinbo, were responsible for an attack on 
Nanpapa in May, and for a later attack on Hlegyomaw on the 
Mogaung river in August. 

The direction of the whole of these operations was undertaken 
by Sir George White, and all the military police in the Mogaung 
subdivision were placed under his orders. While the plans for 
these operations were being matured, and while preparations were 
being made, notice was given lo the Thama and Panga Drnvas 
requiring them to tender their submission lo the Subdivislonal 
Officer at Mogaung, and to make reparation for damage inflicted 
by them on traders and others. The regent of the Makan tribe, 
the widow of the late i/uwa, had already been warned that 
punishment would be inflicted if compensation were not made for 
the raids at Nanpapa and Hlegyomaw. 

The offending tribes failed to comply with the terms and on the 
8th January 1889 a force under Captain O'Donnell left Mogaung to 
operate against the Lepai, and particularly against Thama. Ka- 
maing was taken on the 1 ith after a slight resistance. On the 30th 
January a sharp engagement took place at Hweton to the south of 
Kamaing, in which the Kachins lost ten or twelve killed and the 
village was burnt, while 18,000 pounds of paddy were burnt. Final- 
ly, after a delay caused by an outbreak of small-pox on the 19th 
February, the main Thama villages were attacked and burnt after 
some stockade fighting, in which Captain O'Donnell and Captain 


MacDonald of the Hants Regiment were spiked through the foot 
and Lieutenant Hawker received a spike wound, from which he died. 
The operaiions were ccmpleied by the 9th March, on which date 
the column returned to Niogaung. Twenty-four villages, including 
almost all subject to Thama, were destroyed and a large quantity 
of grain burnt. Our loss was, besides the three officers, 18 men 
killed and wounded. 

The second expedition against thelthi Lepai, south of Mogaung, 
was begun on the 1 ith March. The Shan and Kachin villages of 
Nyaungbintha were occupied without resistance, for Bo Ti had left 
the neighborhood and the people had no leader. A post was 
established at Nyaungbintha and small columns burnt all the vil- 
lages of the tribe and destroyed their paddy. These were the 
tribesmen who had attacked Mogaung, but the resistance met with 
at the ten villages taken was very slight. The village of Wara- 
naung, of which the Chief had been consistently loyal smce the oc- 
cupation of Mogaung, was specially exempted from attack, 

On the 1st .April Captain O'Donnell proceeded to punish the 
Sana chieftain of the Lahtawng trib^, On the 4th, after a march 
along the stony bed of a stream and through a very difficult gorge, 
in which the enemy had stockaded themselves, but were outflanked, 
the column reached Panlang, the Chief's village, and destroyed it. 

There still remained the tribes to the west of Sinbo, the Marans 
and the Hfegyomaw dacoits, to be dealt with, and to reach them a 
march of 56 miles from Mogaung to Sinbo had to be made across 
the plains. On the 20th April operations commenced and the 
villages of Makan, Lasha, Pinzon, and Lwekyo were taken one after 
the other and burnt. The Kachlns offered a stout resistance and 
at Lwekyo replied to the artillery fire with jingals, butourcasualiies 
were trifling, as they were also against the Hlegyomaw group, whose 
villages, Kawaw, .Assin, and Kachaing, fought stubbornly and hung 
on the rear of the retiring column. In the four expeditions forty- 
six villages containing 639 houses were destroyed, together with 
large stores of grain. The casualties on our side amounted to one 
officer and three men killed and two officers and thirty men, includ- 
ing followers, wounded. The column engaged the Kachins twenty- 
two times and took forty-three stockades. 

The results were satisfactory. The occupation of Kamaing and 
the establishment there of a military police post had the effect of 
opening the road to the jade mines, which had been interrupted. 
Up to the end of May 1889 no less than ninety-eight villages had 
come in and tendered their submission to the Subdivisional Officer 
at Mogaung. These included the whole of the villages subordinate 
to the chieftain of Thama, except Thama itself and two other villages ; 



the whole of the Ithl Lepais, including Pangea ; the whole of the Lah- 
tawngs, except one village ; the whole of the tribes round Sinbo, ex- 
cept two small villages; and the Lakun tribe south of the Ithi 
country. In the case of villages which resisted the column sub- 
mission was only accepted after the payment of moderate fines in 
money or in kind and the surrender of a smallnumber of guns. The 
Marip tribe, under ijie Chief Kan Si Naung, in whose territory are 
situated the jade mines, and the Sassan tribe in the Hukawng valley 
and in the neighbourhood of the amber mines submitted from the 
first and have never given any trouble. 

Meanwhile in the more immediate neighbourhood of Bhamo there 
was a good deal of disturbance. A band, consisting for the most 
part of Chinese brigands and deserters from the Chinese army, which 
had gathered on the Mol6 river, forty miles north-east from Bhamo, 
was attacked by Mr. Segreave with a party of military police on the 
9th January and entirely dispersed with the loss of about fifty killed. 
The effect of this action was to secure the peace of the district north 
of Bhamo and to stop further alarms of the gathering of Chinese 
marauders in that direction t^jiring the remainder of the open sea- 

About this time the air was full of rumours concerning projected 
attacks on the Upper Sinkan township to the south and even on 
Bhamo itself. Hkam Leng (Kan Hlaing) was the cause «f these. 

He had been harboured by the Kachin Chiefs of Lw^saing and 
T6nh6n and had constantly visited Si-u in the Upper Sinkan 
township, where he made long stays and levied contributions 
from the villagers. The Myo6k had not a sufficient force of police 
to prevent these visits and asked that a military patrol might be 
sent from Bhamo. On the 3rd February 1889 the District Su- 
perintendent marched with fifty police and on the 4th the rebels 
were found strongly stockaded across the road near Malin, 30 miles 
up the Sinkan river and about ao from Si-u. The police after three 
quarters of an hour's fighting were forced to retire with a loss of two 
killed, ten wounded, and aJl their baggage, except ammunition, 
captured. It was necessary at once to break up t!ic gang of rebels 
who were now In possession of the whole of the Upper Sinkan valley, 
and on the 6th February Captain Smith, R, A., with a strong force 
marched from Bhamo. On the 7th the dacoits were encountered 
in the position they had held against the police. It was only taken 
after severe fighting, in which Second- Lieutenant Stoddart, 17th B.I., 
Iwo men of the Hampshircs, and two of the 17th B. I. were killed 
and 17 were wounded. The dacoit gathering then dispersed as 
suddenly as it had appeared. After the defeat of the rebels at 
Malin the villagers for the most part returned to their homes. The 


villages which had joined in the rising were fined and the force of 
the police was increased at the expense of the township, which was 
also effectually disarmed. The nucleus of the band seems to have 
consisted of 80 men sent by Saw Yan Naing from Manp6n to help 
his new ally Hkam Leng, and they returned thither after they had 
been dislodged, while HKam Leng went back to the hills east of 
Si-u. On the 23rd March a detachment of troops was sent to Si- 
kaw to remain there during the rest of the dry season in case Hkam 
Leng should attempt further hostilities. At the end of May an 
attempt was made to capture him in the hills. This, however, was 
frustrated by the action of the LijV'^saing and Tonhfin Kachins, who 
afterwards came down in some force and occupied Si-u. They 
were there attacked on the and June 1889 by a party of troops and 
police and driven back with loss, but In July they attacked Sikaw 
Itself. The villagers and the Gurkha police, however, beat them 
off. The lateness of the season made it impossible to punish this 
abortive rebellion before the end of the cold weather. 

The Hpunkan Kachins once more gave trouble. The Katran or 
Kar^^an Duwa had steadily declined to visit Bhamo, or to definitely 
submit, and there were continual rumours of the gathering of Chinese 
brigands and disaffected persons in his tract, which is only 30 miles 
south-east of Bhamo. At the beginning of March 1889, probably 
excited by the Burmese remnants of the Malm gang, the Hpunkan 
Kachins again descended to the plains, killed a thugyi, carried off 
his wife and children, killed two policemen at Mansi post, and bumt 
Mansi village. The return of the troops who had been engaged in 
the Mogaung expeditions furnished a convenient opportunity for 
dealing with this troublesome tribe, and a force under Brigadier- 
General G. B. Wolseley, C. b., was sent against it. The force 
started in the middle of April in two columns, by the northern and 
southern roads, a proceeding which so baffled the Kachins that 
their principal villages were occupied with no resistance to speak 
of, though Captain Smith, R.A., was wounded in an advance guard 
skirmish only two miles from Mansij from which the Southern column 
started. As had been arranged, the troops remained in the hills 
and proceeded to enforce the submission of the Kachins. The 
terms imposed upon them included the surrender of a number of 
guns and the payment of a moderate fine as compensation for past 
misdeeds. The troops left after these terms had been substantially 
complied with, and before Karwan was evacuated the headmen of the 
Hpunkan callages entered into a solemn agreement to abstain from 
raids in the future. General Wolseley then marched on to Nam- 
kham in the Northern Shan States, met the Superintendent there, 
and returned to Bhamo. 



The States of Mong Mit (Momeik) and Mong Leng (Mohlaing) 
are nominally Shan, but they have never been administered with 
the Shan States proper, and indeed the Shans only inhabit the valleys 
and are greatly inferior in numbers to the Palaungs and the Kachins, 
who occupy the hills, which form the greater portion of the territory. 
At the time of the annexation, a member of the ruling family of 
M6ng Leng, named Hkam Leng, or in the m.ore commonlv used 
Burmese form, Kan HlaJng, claimed to be the Sa-wbwa both of Mong 
Leng and Mong Mit. His claim to be Chief of Mong Mit was re- 
sisted by the ministers of that State on behalf of the rightful heir, 
who was a minor. In October 1886 Kan Hlaing was induced to 
come to Katha, where for some time he remained pending the con- 
sideration of his claims. Towards the end of the year he abscond- 
ed and has been a bitter rebel ever since. In April 18S7 the Chief 
Commissoner himself visited Mog6k, received the Mong Mit of- 
ficials, and settled the conditions under which Mong Mit was to be 
administered, and fixed the boundary between that State and Mong 
Leng. In contravention of explicit orders Hkam Leng in June 1887 
invaded and occupied part of the territory of Mong Mit. He was 
promptly driven out by a force sent from Kalha. Subsequently the 
territory of Mong Leng was partitioned between Mong Mit and the 
Bhamo district, while Mong Mit was administered under the con- 
trol of the Deputy Commissioner of the Ruby Mines from Mogok. 
Hkam Leng took up his residence in the Kachin hills east of Mong 
Leng and fomented disturbances in the Upper Sinkan township as 
has been noted above. Towards the end of 1888 he established re- 
lationship with Saw Van Naing, the son of the Meikaya Prince, 
who had established himself at Manp6n in a diHicuIt position on the 
borders of the Tawng Peng Loi L6ng State and Mong Mit. To- 
gether they endeavoured to arrange a simultaneous movement on a 
large scale at various points on the northern frontier. Mong Mit 
itself, the capital of the Slate, was threatened and 50 men of the 
Hampshire Regiment were sent there. On the 14th January 1888, 
owing to insufficient information, Lieutenant Nugent, with 16 men 
of the Hampshires, suddenly found himself within 50 yards of a 
strong stockade. Lieutenant Nugent charged, but the first volley 
of the dacoits killed one man and wounded Lieutenant Nugent and 
six men. A second shot killed Lieutenant Nugent, and Sergeant 
Bevis conducted a retreat bringing in the dead and wounded. On 
the i9ih Lieutenant Ozzard, with 50 men of the Hants Regiment 
and 20 mounted police, attacked the same band at Mobaung, ten 
miles north-east of Mong Mit, and killed 20 dacoits including the 
leader. Reinforcements were then sent up and an attack was made 
on Manpon, the headquarters of Saw Van Naing, Four stockades 


were taken without loss and the position was occupied, but, owing 
to a misunderstanding, the column returned to quarters before the 
country had been thoroughly explored and settled. The result was 
that Saw Yan Naing almosl immediately re-established himself at 
Maniun, a few miles from Manpon, and remained there for the rest 
of the year. Hkam Leng remained with the Lwfesaing Tonhon 
Kachins, with whom he was connected by marriage, and incited 
them to keep the southern part of the Bhanio district in a state 
of ferment, Other minor leaders, of whom the most important 
were Nga Maung of Twinnge and Hcn^ Nga Maung of Mdng 
Long, desired support and encouragement from these centres of 
disaffection, and one or both of them found an asylum in the State 
of Mong Long. The borders of Tawng Pfng Loi Lung also had not 
been thoroughly cleared of dacoits, and Bo Zeya, a refugee from the 
Mandalay district, was still at large there. 

It was therefore arranged that a strong column of troops and 
military police should be sent from Bhamo, and starting from Si-u 
as a base, should march in December 1889 against Lwtsaing and 
T6nh6n ; that another column should march from Mong Mit and 
should combine with the Bhamo column at Manpon, while Mong 
Mit town was occupied by troops; and that Lieutenant Daly, the 
Superintendent of the Northern Shan States, with a detachment of 
the Shan levy of military police, should co-operate from the Hsen- 
wi side, keeping touch with the other columns as far as possible. 
At the same time a party of military police under Mr. H. K. Hertz, 
Assistant Superintendent of Police, was detailed to visit Mong LOng 
and thence march along the Tawng Peng border to deal with any 
bands that might be in that quarter. The scene of the operations 
was very difficult country, chiefly in the southern portion of the old 
State of Mong Leng, in the valleys of the Sinkan and Nampaw 
streams, in the hills to the east of them, and in the north-eastern 
part of the State of Mong Mit, known as the Mvaukko-daung, the 
northern nine hills. The valley of the Sinkan and the adjacent hills 
form part of the Bhamo district, while the valley of the Nampaw 
falls within Mong Mil. The area of the Myaukko-daung is esti- 
mated at 2,500 square miles. Mr. Shaw, Deputy Commissioner, 
accompanied the Bhamo column and at Sikaw was met by the 
DuTua of Kanlun, who with the headmen of twelve other Lakhum 
villages tendered his submission and volunteered to accompany the 
party. Lw^saing and T6nh6n were taken on the 23rd and 24th of 
December, opposition in both cases being offered only at stockades 
across the road, some distance from the village, and aftei^wards from 
the sides of the hill after the villages had been occupied. In this 
way a Subadar of the Mogaung levy and a private of the Hamp- 



shires were killed at Lwfesatng and five men were wounded ; while 
at Tonhun a sepoy was killed and four were woundod. About the 
same time, in a movement to seize the ferries of the Shweli, made 
by Captain O'Donncll, a distinguished Native Officer of the Mo- 
gaung levy. Jemadar Krishna Rana, was killed. Lw^saing was 
destroyed and the column remained at Tonhon till the 3rd January 
1890. Before the troops left, representatives of all the villages 
in the jurisdiction of Lwfesaing-T6nh6n had come in, and part 
of the fine in money and guns imposed on the villages which 
had resisted t he troops and harboured H kam Leng had been 
paid. On the 3rd Januarv' the column started for Manpon, a 
detachment being left at T6nh6n to enforce the payment of the 
fine. A Transport Jemadar was drowned at the passage of the 
Shweli, and Manton was entered on the nth January and found 
in possession of the Mong Mit column, who had occupied it 
the same day after some skirmishing on the outskirts, in which 
Captain Sewell of the Norfolk Regiment was wounded. From 
Mantdn detachments were sent out against Mant6ngale and Lao- 
choin, the Chief of which, Waranaw, had been a prominent sup- 
porter of Saw Yan Naing. Both these parties were stubbornly op- 
posed by the Kachins, who had erected stockades across the roads. 
Laochein was occupied and completely destroyed, Major Forrest of 
the Hampshires being dangerously wounded while leading the at- 
tack, whilst a number of others were wounded by the subsequent 
firing from the hill-sides. On the return of these parties the M6ng 
Mit column moved to Manp6n, while the Bhamo column remained 
at Mant6n. The remainder of the marching season was occupied 
by the troops and civil officers in visiting as much as possible of the 
country in which the operations were benig carried on, in inflicting 
punishment in cases in which resistance had been offered or out- 
rages committed, and in securing the submission of a number of 
Kachln, Palaung, and Shan villages nominally subject to the Saw 
biva of Mong Mit. Efforts to secure the surrenderor capture of 
Saw Yan Naing and Hkam Leng and of iheir leading adherents, 
however, were unsuccessful. Saw Yan Naing slipped past Lieu- 
teoant Daly into Hsenwl and passed thence across the Chinese fron- 
tier, where he has since remained at different places in the Shan- 
Chinese States, and was afterwards joined by Hkam Leng. 

In Mogaung the operations of 1888 kept the subdivision undis- 
turbed, traders were able to travel in security, and Kachin Chiefs 
from remote parts tendered their submission. The caravan trade 
between Bhamo and China, however, was not free from interruption. 
Attacks were made on traders by the Kachins through whose 
country the trade routes Ije. Two caravans were set on in Novem- 


ber 1889 by Kachins of the Karwan and Poiilein tribes. In both 
cases the Chiefs of the tribes concerned were called into Bhamo and 
required to pay compensation, and threatened with punishment in 
case of future misconduct. Nevertheless there were attacks in the 
following January and February, and in consequence of these the 
Chinese traders during the latter part of the season made use of 
the Hpunkaw route in preference to the northern one by Manaung, 
An attempt was made towards (he close of 1889 to open the old 
disused route known as the Embassy route, but the arrang^ements 
were not effectual, chiefly because the Kachins lived on the border- 
land between China and Burma, and it was not always easy to as- 
certain whether the offenders belonged to British or Chinese terri- 

The disturbances there no doubt tended to keep up a spirit of 
unrest in Mong Mit. Saw Maung, the Sa-whwa of the Southern 
Shan States of Yawng Hwe in Burmese times (and since re- 
appointed to that State), was installed as Regent of Mong Mit for 
five years from April 1889, during the minority of Hkun Maung, 
the hereditary Chief. Saw Maung unfortunately did not succeed 
in gaining the good-will of the people of Mong Mit, or in maintain- 
ing a proper supervision over his subordinate officials. This is 
perhaps hardly surprisir.<i, for he had no experience of Kachins or 
Palaungs, who form about So per cent, of the population. In Oc- 
tober 1890, the village of Yabon, some thirty miles to the north-east 
of Wing Mong Mit, was attacked by a combined gang of Kachins 
and Palaungs. Yabon was held by forty of the Sawbwa's. men 
under one of his amats or ofTicers. The attack was probably in 
some measure due to this man's bad management of the surround- 
ing tribes, but Saw Van Naing and the outlaws over the frontier are 
supposed to have had a hand in stirring up trouble. The amat 
and his men, after a feeble resistance, abandoned their post and fled, 
giving up their arms to the people of Manpon on the way. The 
Sawbwa sent out a fresh force to Yab6n, but the outbreak was left 
to be dealt with by Mr. Daniell, Assistant Commissioner, Mong 
Mit, and the column which it had been previously arranged should 
spend the dry season in eastern and northern Mong Mit to finish 
and consolidate the work of the previous cold weather. Mr. Daniell 
at once visited Yab6n and was successful in securing the speedy 
submission of Chiefs and people. The restoration of the guns and 
ponies taken in the attack on Yabon was required, fines were im- 
posed, and the turbulent Lahkum Kachins were directed to move 
back .ind live among their own people. The leader of the attack, 
Saw Saing, Lahkum Chief of Yabon, was cleverly captured by a 
night surprise, and the whole circle was satisfactorily settled and 



pUced in the charge of the several local Duxas, who agreed to 
pay tribute and bring it to Mong Mil twice a year. 

Meanwhile on the 9th December i$9o anothirr affair had ocan^ 
red. The Mdi^ Lene Myo^ was atucked at Etkyi by a band of 
40 or 50 men, who kiued and wounded several o( his foDowers and 
carried off propertv. These men were under the protection of the 
Lahkum Kachin I)u'xa o( Kah6n, one of them being Nga Kyaw, 
an outlaw, and ihey also were bdieved to have acted on the insti- 

fation of the adherents of Saw Yan Naing and Hkam Leng. Mr. 
taniell was accordingly instructed to direct his march to Kahdn 
and punish this outrage as soon as possible. He sent two messen- 
gers to call in the Kah6n chieftain who seized and killed one of 
themi though the other escaped. 

As it was evident that organized opposition was to be ex- 
pected, Mr. Daniell's party was reinforced by British Infantry, 
part mounted, from Bernardmyo and Shwcbo, and by a com- 
pany of the Mandalay ^(ilitary Police Battalion under the Com- 
mandant, Captain Alban. No time was lost in making for Ka- 
h6n, and on the early morning of the 28th Jaunar)' 1891 the 
combined force under Major Kelsall, of the Devonshire Regiment, 
effected the surprise of Kahon. There was a determined resis- 
tance and five of the enemy were killed, including the Dtnea^s, 
brother, while the Z^unra himself and others were wounded. A pri- 
vate of the Devons was killed and a Military Police sepoy severely 
wounded in this engagement. The troops and Military Police 
were then distributed about Kahon, Kyutha, and the neighbourhood 
geiicrally, and worked thoroughly through the country, with the 
result that altogether twenty-six of Kah6n*s adherents were killed 
and seven of Nga Kyaw's, mcluding his lieutenant, Nga Pan San, 
while numbers were raptured- The only further casualties on our 
side were one Gurkha killed and a Military Police sepoy severely 
wounded. Seven villages under Kahon were destroyed and the 
remaining villages in the Manmauk circle were forced to make 
thfir submission. The Chiefs of the other circles of north-easiern 
Mnng Mit then came in and made their submission to Mr. Daniell. 

The T6nh6n column under Major Yule now came up from Bhamo 
and the village of Loik6n was attacked and burnt. Upon this the 
T6nh6n Sawbwa, who had remained out during the previous year's 
operations, came and made his submission. The MOng Leng head- 
men who had been deported in 1890 were thereupon taken back to 
their homes. 

The T6nh6n column took the ChaukTaung side of the country, 
while Mr. DanicU visited the circles of Maing Kwin, Humai, and 


Shawlan, There was no further opposition, and an arrane^ement 
was made with the Humal Satobwa for the prevention of the pass- 
age of outlaws and marauders through his country. The column 
returned towards the end of March and Nga Kyaw made an attack 
on Mabein on the night of the 30th, killing one villager and carry- 
ing off some plunder, Mr. Daniell at once returned and pursued 
him, but was too late to come up with him. 

The best arrangements possible were made with the various 
Kachin and Palaung Chiefs, who were held responsible for keeping 
order in their respective jurisdictions and required to acknowledge 
the authority of Mong Mit by the regular payment of tribute. The 
Regent Saw Maun^ recognized that he could not manage the State 
with the staff of men and officials he had. He first proposed to 
give up the Myaukko-daung and then asked to be allowed to 
resign altogether. This he was permitted to do, and from the be- 
ginning of 1891, Mong Mit, with the adjoining portion of Mong 
Leng, has been incorporated as a temporary measure with the Ruby 
Mines district. 

Farther north at the close of 1890 the Lana Kachins were block- 
ing the main trade route into Nam Hkam, and all the routes lead- 
ing eastwards from Bhamo to Manwalng on the road to Yunnan 
were the scenes of constant attacks on caravans. Of the valley of 
the Molfc stream little or nothing was then known. At: the com- 
mencement of the 1890-91 cold season, therefore, arrangements 
were made to send out a punitive column to settle the whole of the 
tribes to the immediate east of Bhamo, who had been guilty of 
attacks on traders. This column, consisting of seventy-five men of 
the Mogaung levy under Lieutenant Burton, started on the 24th 
December 1890 and proceeded to visit first the hills north of the 
Taping, finally returning to Bhamo on the 21st May 1891 from 

The work was thoroughly done. Every village that had any case 
reported against it during the two years preceding was visited and 
duly punished by fine. Disarmament was insisted on as far as 
possible, and fines were taken by preference in guns. Owing no 
doubt to the operatiims of the column the attacks on caravans were 
reduced to two. One of these was perpetrated by the Kalunkong 
Chief, who was arrested and sentenced, to the evident surprise of 
the surrounding Kachins. The other attack, though it was made 
in British territory, was conducted by Kachins who had come from 
across the border. Unfortunately, owing to the negligence of a 
sentry, the camp was rushed by Han Ton and other Kachins on 
the night of the 1st March. Two sepoys were killed and nine 
wounded, besides Mr. French, Assistant Engineer, who received a 




bad gunshot wound in the foot. According to previous instruc- 
tions Lieutenant Burton sent in for reinforcements and one 
hundred men under Major P. H. Smith, of the Dcvons, were des- 
patched. The villages implicated in the attack were burnt and the 
Sawhwa of Hant6n was killed at Walaung. Subsequently it was 
found that the Lahsi tribe had joined in the outbreak and accord- 
ingly fifty men under Major Smith went out and) in conjunction 
with Lieutenant Burton's party, surprised the Lahsi villages, killing 
two men and capturing ninety. All the seven villages were burnt 
and the party was not afterwards molested. 

Towards the close of the season a further series of operations was 
undertaken in the Sinkan valley in the south-cast of the Bhamo 
district. The Sinkan valley had been for some time notorious as 
a nest of robbers, whose presence there was secretly connived at 
by the oid Sikaw Myook. Wlien he died they had no longer a 
protector and they found that inconvenient steps were being taken 
to bring them to justice. They therefore combined and became 
aggressive. It was impossible to control both Upper and Lower 
Sinkan from the one post of Sikaw, and immunity from interference 
emboldened the gangs so far that they murdered the Thugyi of 
Theinlin, a village within lo miles of Bhamo. Upon this another 
officer was added to the district, and a company of the reserve 
Military Police Battalion was lent. The commencement of the 
operations, however, came too late in the season, and, although 
Captain Gastrell was successful in making some important cap- 
tures, and although the progress of the operations led to the arrest 
of the greater number of the once notorious I3o HIaw's gang, who 
were responsible for the abduction of the Bhamo Myook in 1889, 
still, ofling to the rains and the consequent unhealthiness of the 
Sinkan valley, the operations had to be stopped before the country 
had been permanently cleared. 

During the whole of the cold season from November 1890 to 
March 1891 Lieutenant L. E. Eliott, Assistant Commissioner, and 
Major Hobday, R.E., of the Survey Department, with an escort of 
seventy rifles were employed in exploring the hitherto unknown 
northern and north-eastern borders. They marched along the 
west bank of the Irrawaddy from Sinbo to a point, Tingsa Pura- 
lumpum, belonging to the Lepai tribe, in latitude 26° 15'. Here 
obstacles were put in the way of their advance by a section of the 
Sana Lahtawngs, who had been punished at Panlang two years be- 
fore by the Mogaung column. Large presents were demanded as 
the price of a guide and for permission to proceed. To avoid the 
risk of setting the country in a blaze, with the chance of being cut 
off from their base, they fell back along the Irrawaddy to Maing- 


na first, above Myitkylna, and thence struck eastward to Kwitu, 
where they found the Chief Sagurig VVa belonging to the Sadan 
tribe unfriendly, though not openly hostile. They then made in- 
cursions into the Kachin Hills to the eastward, between the 'Nraai- 
kba, or eastern branch (»f the Irrawaddy, and the Taping river on 
the south. From Lekapyang they trivelled chiefly through Maran 
villages, which were friendly, and eventually returned to Waingmaw 
on the Irrawaddy below the confluence. Sadon had originally 
been the object of their eastern explorations, but owing to the hos- 
tility of that sub-tribe of ihe Sadans, indeed of the whole tribe, 
the project had to be abandoned. 

To enable this vast tract of country to be administered a Sub- 
divisional Officer was established for the first time at Myitkyina, 
the most northerly Shan-Burman village on the Irrawaddy, with a 
police post and guard, and the Military Police of Bhamo and Mo- 
gaung were strengthened from other battalions. 

The condition of the Mogaung subdivision at the beginning of 
1890 was far from satisfactory. To the north the Thama chieftain 
'was sullen after his punishment of the year before and slill gave 
refuge to Po Saw and other bad characters. He also permitted a 
stream of armed ruffians to pass through his territory from China 
to the jade-mines, bringing illicit opium and liquor. To the west of 
Thama was the seat of the disturbances between the India-rubber 
traders. Dacoities and attacks on friendly villages round Kamaing 
were frequent and there were constant disturbing rumours of in- 
tended descents from the jade mines on Mogaung. In the neigh- 
bourhood of Lake Indawgyi the Sana Kachlns gave trouble. They 
raided the villages on the west side of the lake and they harboured 
the rebel Po Saw for months at a lime. For a time the tribes on 
the Kaukkwe stream were tolerably quiet. Two brutal murders 
north of Sinbo were supposed to have been committed by some 
of the Kachins at the head-waters of the Kaukkwe, but otherwise 
there was no serious trouble. The Lfeka chieftain still held back 
from coming in to the Deputy Commissioner, Bhamo, and submit- 
ting his dispute with llie forest lessee to arbitration, but he v;as 
noi actively hostile. The only place where a real and permanent 
improvement had followed the operations in the early part of 1889 
was in the tract just west of the upper defile. The Kachins there 
were thoroughly subdued and quiet. 

This was the slate of afifairsat the beginning of the rains of 1890. 
During the rains, as was natural, there was a pe